<p>Christ Church Anglican Church is a heritage-listed church at Cannon Street, St Lawrence, Isaac Region, Queensland, Australia. It was designed by Alfred Mowbray Hutton and built in 1898 by Newman Brothers. It was added to the Queensland Heritage Register on 27 October 2000.</p><br>
<h2>History</h2><br>
<p>The Christ Church Anglican Church, St Lawrence was constructed in 1898 to a design by Alfred Mowbray Hutton and constructed by Newman Brothers of Rockhampton.</p><br>
<p>European settlement began in the St Lawrence area by 1860, when John Arthur Macartney formed Waverley Station. The St Lawrence area had a strong connection with the pastoral industry in the 19th century. McCartney took up land at the head of Broadsound and Waverley in 1860 and used the banks of the St Lawrence Creek to land his supplies. Later that year a boiling down works for tallow was established. In 1861 the Rockhampton Port Master recommended the site for a port, and government buildings were soon constructed. These included a Telegraph Office, Police Station and Court House.</p><br>
<p>Prior to the establishment of an Anglican church at St Lawrence, quarterly Catholic and Anglican services, were held at the Courthouse. The development of the meatworks in 1893 meant a steady growth in population and by the end of the 1890s, a permanent church building became a necessity.</p><br>
<p>In March 1898, Vicar AH Julius visited St Lawrence to make arrangements for the immediate construction of a building. Five acres of land "in a good position" was purchased and it was reported that "the Church will be a conspicuous object in the main street of the town".</p><br>
<p>Rockhampton architect, Alfred Mowbray Hutton, designed a simple building with seating for around 100 people, a side section with a large classroom and a small bedroom and verandah for visiting clergymen. Tenders were called for submission of quotes by 18 April 1898. Newman Brothers of Rockhampton were awarded the contract. Alfred Mowbray Hutton (-1911) was in partnership with George C Lavater as Lavater and Hutton, architects in Mildura before coming to Queensland. He took over the Rockhampton practice of James Flint in mid-1894. Hutton became an associate of the Queensland Institute of Architects in 1897. From 1898 to 1904 he was in partnership in Rockhampton with Edwin Morton Hockings and in 1911 with FE Boddington. On Saturday 21 May 1898, the foundation stone of the church was laid by the Premier of Queensland, Thomas Byrnes, MLA for Warwick.</p><br>
<p>With a classroom for a Sunday School and a bedroom for visiting clergy, the church played an important role in the local community. At one time, the vestry served as the residence for a local school teacher. Apart from a period of about two months, there has never been a resident priest at the church. Currently located in the Parish of North Rockhampton, the Christ Church Anglican church, has also been part of the Parishes of Rockhampton and Park Avenue.</p><br>
<p>Repairs to the church became a necessity, and in 1985 local people organised a restoration committee to raise sufficient funds to replace the roof, paint the vestry and to have the stained glass windows restored. A 1988 bi-centennial grant paid for the lining of the church&#39;s north and south walls as well as the reflooring, relining and painting of the vestry. Occasional services are still held in the church each year.</p><br>
<h2>Description</h2><br>
<p>The Christ Church, Anglican Church, is a single storey, timber building clad with weatherboards with a gable roof clad with corrugated iron, prominently located at the eastern end of Macartney Street. A small front porch with a separated gable roof is located at the western end of the building. The gables of the main roof and the porch are surmounted by timber crucifixes. The rooms on the southern side of the church have a skillion roof clad with corrugated iron.</p><br>
<p>A set of timber stairs is located in the porch leading to the front door. The paired, cedar doors have a pointed arch design and open to the main part of the church. A group of three pointed arch, stained glass windows are located high in the eastern elevation. A similar, single window is located above the main door. A circular ventilator is located high in the western facade. Five pointed arch, cedar windows are located along the northern elevation. Three pointed arch, cedar windows are located along the southern elevation. The side rooms, associated with the skillion roofed extension, have multi-paned sash, casement windows surmounted by metal sunhoods.</p><br>
<p>Internally, timber pews are located on either side of a central aisle leading to the raised sanctuary at the eastern end of the church. The eastern wall of the sanctuary and adjoining southern wall are lined with painted horizontal tongue and groove timber. The remainder of the church is clad internally with chamferboards. This sanctuary is raised about a metre higher than the church floor and includes a cedar altar and communion rails. The timber ceiling is braced with arched metal rods.</p><br>
<p>At the rear of the church is a sandstone font with decorative mouldings and designs. The timber dedication plaque on the porch incorporates a brass centenary plaque attached to the original timber plaque. The timber plaque reads: "Laid by Hon T.J. Byrnes; May 21, 1898; A.H. Julius Vicar; W Armstrong Warden".</p><br>
<p>The skillion roofed extension is accessed via paired cedar doors in the southern wall. The area is timber floored and clad with chamferboards. A partition divides the room at the western end and a timber trunk and metal bed with mosquito net are located in the room. A timber organ, built by WH Paling & Co, is located in room on the southern side of the church.</p><br>
<p>The church is surrounded by mature trees and garden beds.</p><br>
<h2>Heritage listing</h2><br>
<p>Christ Church Anglican Church was listed on the Queensland Heritage Register on 27 October 2000 having satisfied the following criteria.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the evolution or pattern of Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>Constructed in 1898 and forming part of the old town of St Lawrence, the Christ Church Anglican Church is significant in demonstrating the development of the Anglican Church in Queensland and St Lawrence during this time.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the principal characteristics of a particular class of cultural places.</p><br>
<p>With its steeply pitched gable roof and pointed arch motif windows and doors, the Christ Church Anglican Church is a good example of a picturesque and well executed Gothic influenced timber ecclesiastical building.</p><br>
<p>The place is important because of its aesthetic significance.</p><br>
<p>The church is important for its aesthetic significance, particularly its substantial landmark qualities in the St Lawrence townscape and from Macartney Street.</p><br>
<p>The place has a strong or special association with a particular community or cultural group for social, cultural or spiritual reasons.</p><br>
<p>As a place of public worship for over 100 years, the Christ Church Anglican Church is significant for its social value for the Anglican community of St Lawrence and surrounding area.</p><br>
<p>The place has a special association with the life or work of a particular person, group or organisation of importance in Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>The church is significant for its association with Alfred Mowbray Hutton, a prominent architect in the Rockhampton and surrounding area, who designed the church.</p><br>
<p>Meatworks and Wharf Site is a heritage-listed former abattoir and wharf at Settlement Road, St Lawrence, Isaac Region, Queensland, Australia. It was built from 1870s to 1890s. It is also known as Broadsound Meat Company, Broadsound Packing Co Ltd, and Newport Meatworks Company. It was added to the Queensland Heritage Register on 23 February 2001.</p><br>
<h2>History</h2><br>
<p>The former meatworks and wharf site is thought to be established in the 1860s as a boiling down works. By 1893, the meatworks had been established and remained in operation until around 1911. The St Lawrence area was settled by 1860, when Macartney formed Waverley Station. Around the same time, John Mackay was travelling in the area.</p><br>
<p>The meatworks was one of the largest projects undertaken in the history of St Lawrence. It has been suggested that the meatworks owed its origin to the fact that a boiling down works had been established about four miles from the town near the wharf on Waverley Creek. The purpose of the boiling down process was to recover the fat or tallow from cattle which were usually considered below standard for putting through the butcher shop. The demand for tallow would have been much greater in that period of Australian history, for tallow was very much in demand for use in candles and for preserving harnesses.</p><br>
<p>Boiling down works have been an important industry throughout Queensland during a number of periods. The establishment of such works usually coincided with drought and low prices for wool and beef. Boiling-down factories were started in Brisbane in 1843 by John "Tinker" Campbell and in Ipswich in 1847. By 1851, two works were located in Ipswich. Other boiling down works being established on the Darling Downs during the 1860s, included Campbell&#39;s operation on Westbrook Homestead, the depression of the time being the predominant reason behind the establishment of such industries. Consequently, reasons behind the establishment of the boiling down works at St Lawrence may also have been due to the effects of the depression.</p><br>
<p>By 1865 the Queensland Government was in the process of extending the telegraph line between St Lawrence and Bowen, and to the Gulf of Carpentaria. In 1866, the Government proposed an impost on wool, tallow and hides. The Queensland Legislative Council considered the resolution to present the Governor with a Bill to be introduced to the Legislative Council to impose an export duty on one halfpenny per pound on wool, one pound per ton on tallow, three pence each on hides and one halfpenny each of sheepskins. The Council was divided and the motion was not passed.</p><br>
<p>In 1866, Septimus Nash Spong designed a wharf at St Lawrence. Spong received a Queensland Government post in 1861, as clerk of works in the Colonial Architect&#39;s Office where he replaced Joseph Sherwin. Spong later moved to Rockhampton where he practiced as an architect, building and land surveyor from 1865 until 1874. As with its Canadian namesake, which has the fastest tide in the world, the basin at St Lawrence has a rapid and deep tidal surge and so was dangerous as a port. In 1873, as a cyclone and the storage of copper ore damaged the old wharf, a new wharf was established at Waverley Creek, which had better access by land and sea. Even so, the extension of the Central Western railway line to the port in Rockhampton reduced trade via St Lawrence and St Lawrence effectively ceased to be a port after 1879.</p><br>
<p>PR Gordon, the Chief Inspector of Sheep observed in 1871, that the preservation of meat had become an established industry in the Colony. WB Tooth of Clifton reported boiling down 32000 sheep. Boiling down works were situated at Burke, Baffle Creek, Dalby, Gladstone, Mackay, Redbank, Rockhampton, Townsville, Westbrook and Yengarie. The Inspector stated that the Dalby and Westbrook Boiling Establishments reported having been obliged to discontinue operations on account of the excessive railway charges absorbing too large a share of the profits as the margin had become so small. The Inspector further reported that the during the present year, the Westbrook and Rockhampton curing establishments would be in active operation.</p><br>
<p>While there is no clear evidence as to who initially established the boiling down works by August 1893, the Chairman of the Broadsound Divisional Board, on behalf of the residents of the district wired a protest to Sir Thomas McIlwraith regarding the closing of the Customs and other government offices. The community considered that the closing of such offices would mean stagnation for the area instead of progress. It was suggested at the time that, as companies for boiling down and exporting meat and for coal mining were being initiated, the works would mean increased revenue for the district.</p><br>
<p>Two men involved with the works were TS Beatty and George Fox, who led the move to establish the factory. By September 1900, Beatty was described as one of the most enterprising men of the district, keeping the welfare of the town and district foremost in his thoughts. The meatworks was a prominent industry in the area at the time, particularly as copper mines in the area had failed, sheep were being moved west and the railway from Emerald to Clermont cut off traffic to St Lawrence. Despite difficulties such as devaluation and having little market for stock, which meant that it was almost impossible to fix a minimum price, the works were built and a price was established which had a fixed value to cattle proprietors, providing some stability in the industry. The works were described as being situated on Waverley Creek, about "three and a half miles" from St Lawrence, connected to the wharf by a tramline and with every convenience to hand for the efficient handling of stock and carcasses.</p><br>
<p>The company had a strong propriety, both in London and the Colonies. By means of their steamer Tarshaw the works kept in direct communication with Rockhampton and the southern Colonies. Upwards of 120 men were employed and the company had a view to further extending the works through the construction of machinery for treating offal. FHT Walton, late of PD Armour and Company of Chicago, was the General Manager in 1900.</p><br>
<p>Their principal product line of the meatworks was tinned meats and extracts, with other general by-products. Stockowners received equal to 12s. 6d (1.25) per hundred (refers to weight) for the same class of stock they had previously had to accept six and six (65c) and seven and six (75c) per hundred, and save, besides droving and loss condition, when immediate neighbourhood, who supply the residents with fruit, vegetables, maize, butter, etc. and the qualities of these products generally being exceptionally good. The meatworks also had freezing and chilling facilities on the spot, consequently, it was suggested that pig farming might be added to the product production.</p><br>
<p>American Clem Allcut had control of the works by the late 1890s. It appears that Allcut had taken over the preserving works at Broadsound after leaving the government service. James Pattison was in partners for some time with Clem Allcut, but eventually sold his share to Allcut. Allcut, however, faced financial troubles later and was forced to give up the works to his creditors. Soon after, he returned to the United States. The works certainly did not continue for any great length of time after Allcut left, and its closure is generally attributed to the shortage of cattle caused by the great drought of 1902.</p><br>
<p>The meatworks had some of the most modern equipment available at the time, for canned tongues and corned meat were loaded onto ships at the wharf and exported to southern markets. Local knowledge suggests that the water supply for the meatworks was pumped over a distance of more than two miles from a big lagoon on the lower portion of Waverley Plain. The pump was powered by a steam engine using an upright boiler known as a "Donkey boiler", which is still extant.</p><br>
<p>The lagoon was located so close to the coast that the tidal waters eventually forced a breach into the bank which separated the lagoon from the sea, and ruined the supply of fresh water. Later an artificial bank or levee was built to keep the salt water out. This activity may be reflected in the name of the creek in the area, which is Bund Creek - a bund being defined as an embankment or an embanked quay. It is thought this occurred after the meatworks closed down, as it is considered unlikely that during the operation of the works, the owners would not have taken steps to stop the sea breaking through into the lagoon, unless this was caused by an unusually high tide.</p><br>
<p>The meatworks preserved large quantities of meat by drying and salting brisket meat, packing it in wooden casks and then canning the rest of the meat. The preserved meat in casks was bought and used to a great extent by ships, many of which might be out of port for extended periods. The tallow and hides were also marketed. Clem Allcut during his term of ownership also manufactured beef extract.</p><br>
<p>When the low prices of cattle prevailed, stock could sometimes be bought for as low as £1 per head. All the waste meat and scraps were run into a gully close by, which is thought to have filled and emptied with the rise and fall of the tide so that all this waste was carried into the nearby stream and out to sea.</p><br>
<p>By 1897-1899, the company was listed as the Broadsound Packing Co. Ltd. The Managing Director was CH Allcutt and the Secretary was WA Forth. By 1900, the company was listed as the Broadsound Meat Company with WD Preston as the Manager and WHA Britton the company accountant. In 1905, the Broadsound Meat Co had as its Manager, J Vickers, who continued in that position until 1911. From 1912, there are no further listings for the Broadsound Meat Company.</p><br>
<p>Besides drought, further competition from other meatworks such as Lakes Creek, near Rockhampton, the Rockhampton Boiling Down and Meat Works Ltd, Nerimbera, who advertised that they were prepared to treat stock on "liberal terms", added to the difficulties faces by the meatworks at St Lawrence. With the Connors Range forming a formidable barrier to drovers with mobs of cattle, and the lack of a railway, the meatworks at St Lawrence was at a serious disadvantage.</p><br>
<p>Following its closure, machinery and any other equipment was dismantled and taken away by sea, apparently being sold, possibly to owners of other meatworks requiring the equipment. Today the former meatworks site is predominantly archaeological.</p><br>
<h2>Description</h2><br>
<p>The remains of the former St Lawrence Meatworks and Wharf site is located on several properties off Settlement Road, approximately eight kilometres south-east of the town of St Lawrence. Despite vegetation growth, considerable evidence for site is still visible above ground.</p><br>
<p>The main site includes three boilers, two of which are located to the west of the property and a third boiler located approximately ten metres to the east of the first two boilers. Situated around two of the boilers is brick rubble remains, providing evidence for the fireboxes which once surrounded the boilers. The third boiler, to the east, does not have any brick rubble remains surrounding it, indicating that it may have been moved from its original position.</p><br>
<p>Directly to the west of the boilers is a brick lined, sunken area with remnant concrete flooring. It is approximately nine metres square. The remains of a wall rendered brick wall are located in sections around the area and rise to a height of approximately one metre. An opening is located in the remnant wall in the north-west corner of the area. Also in this section is located a metal grill. It is not clear if this grill is associated with some sort of heating element in the meatworks production line or if its purpose was more closely related to a cattle grill, and was to keep the animals within the area.</p><br>
<p>Approximately ten metres north of the brick wall and concrete floor area is the remains of another facebrick structure. This structure has three walls extant and may have had at least two rooms, as the remains of what appear to be the brick base of an internal wall and a timber framed doorway, are evident. To the north of the facebrick building is located the remains of another structure with a brick base and a concrete floor area. The site has other brick, metal and timber remains scattered throughout. It is also likely that further evidence of the meatworks exist underground.</p><br>
<p>On another area of land, to the north-east of the main site, the remains of a donkey boiler and a mine shaft are extant. During the time of the meatworks, a tram ran from the site across to the main meatworks site. While no physical evidence of the tramline remains, what is apparent is an earthed, built-up area, indicating the position of the line. This is located to the west of the shaft and boiler and curves around, running south-west, disappearing before it reaches Settlement Road.</p><br>
<p>The former wharf site, incorporating timber posts, and much of the tramway, which joins the meatworks, are situated on tidal flats, forming part of the Newport Conservation Park. Other remains include further evidence of the tram line such as timber sleeper and metal remains. Also extant in the Newport Conservation Park is evidence of timber fording of Bund Creek and remains of what appears to be a corduroy road.</p><br>
<h2>Heritage listing</h2><br>
<p>The former Meatworks and Wharf Site was listed on the Queensland Heritage Register on 23 February 2001 having satisfied the following criteria.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the evolution or pattern of Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>The Former Meatworks & Wharf Site, St Lawrence is thought to be associated with the tallow works established in the area in the 1860s, the earliest establishment of the town of St Lawrence and later with the extension of the site to include meatworks and boiling down works, from to. The site survives as an important illustration of early industrial development of Queensland and of the settlement of the Broadsound area in particular. The former meatworks and wharf site is significant in demonstrating early methods of addressing problems caused by the remoteness of areas used for stock raising and great distances between supplier and market in Queensland. It is further significant as the site survives as a legacy to the canning industry which lingered in the St Lawrence area when freezing was the dominant form of processing.</p><br>
<p>The place demonstrates rare, uncommon or endangered aspects of Queensland&#39;s cultural heritage.</p><br>
<p>The surviving Donkey boiler is one of few of this type known to survive in Queensland.</p><br>
<p>The place has potential to yield information that will contribute to an understanding of Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>With further archaeological and historical research and analysis, the place has the potential to reveal important information about Queensland&#39;s history and early industrial technology.</p><br>
<p>The place has a strong or special association with a particular community or cultural group for social, cultural or spiritual reasons.</p><br>
<p>The former meatworks and wharf site is significant as a well known tourist site and continues to attract public interest, with groups of visitors being shown the area by members of the local community.</p><br>
<p>The Hiram Palmer House is a historic house located at 703 East Fort Street in Farmington, Illinois. Hiram and Philynder Palmer built the house in 1851-52 but sold it the year it was completed. In 1856, the house was purchased by Riley Bristol, a local pharmacist and founder of Farmingtons First Congregational Church; Bristol lived in the house until 1882. The house has a Greek Revival design, a nationally popular stylistic choice in the first half of the nineteenth century. The wraparound front porch is supported by Tuscan columns. The houses low hip roof features a plain frieze and cornice at the roof line and is topped by a lantern with a cornice and pediment. The house&#39;s interior features decorative Greek Revival woodwork, including carved door and window moldings, ornamental panels by the windows, and a fireplace mantel supported by pilasters.</p><br>
<p>The house was added to the National Register of Historic Places on May 20, 1999.</p><br>
<p>St Lawrence Police Station is a heritage-listed police station and former courthouse at Macartney Street, St Lawrence, Isaac Region, Queensland, Australia. It was built from 1878 to 1934. It is also known as former St Lawrence Courthouse and Cell Block. It was added to the Queensland Heritage Register on 24 November 2000.</p><br>
<h2>History</h2><br>
<p>The St Lawrence police station and courthouse, constructed in 1878, the second to be built on the site and the cell block, constructed by 1880, are situated in a prominent position overlooking the St Lawrence Creek, located on the site of a government reserve which has served the community as part of the justice system since 1863. Additions to the police station and former courthouse in 1934 included the enclosing of verandah in the north-west corner to build a bathroom. Other additions included the construction of earth closets and a cell block in the grounds. The buildings have had numerous repairs, including painting and restumping and minor renovations over the years.</p><br>
<p>European settlement began in the St Lawrence area by 1860, when John Arthur Macartney formed Waverley Station. Macartney, an Irish solicitor, had made his fortune on the Victorian gold fields. The St Lawrence area had a strong connection with the pastoral industry in the 19th century. McCartney took up land at the head of Broadsound and Waverley in 1860 and used the banks of the St Lawrence Creek to land his supplies. Later that year a boiling down works for tallow was established. In 1861 the Rockhampton Port Master recommended the site for a port, and government buildings were soon constructed. These included a Telegraph Office, Police Station and Courthouse. Macartney was the first magistrate at the courthouse.</p><br>
<p>During the first years of settlement in what was later to become the State of Queensland, the police system was executed through the duties of a Police Magistrate. However, this proved to be inadequate and following the appointment of the first Governor of Queensland, Governor Bowen, in 1859, an organised force was established by appointing an Inspector General to be in charge of both ordinary and Native Police. In 1863 and 1864, the police system again changed form, following the appointment of the first Commissioner of Police, David Thompson Seymour. He introduced a new system based on the Victorian model comprising Inspectors, Sub-Inspectors, Sergeants, Constables and a Detective Force. In ensuing years, the structure of the Force underwent a number of additional modifications and by 1924 Queensland had the highest state ratio of policemen to residents in Australia, with one officer to every 725 persons.</p><br>
<p>By 1863 a government reserve of four acres had been set aside in St Lawrence in the north-west corner of the surveyed area, to the south of the St Lawrence Creek. This reserve was titled "Custom House". The first courthouse in St Lawrence, a single storey slab building with a shingle roof was constructed by 1866. In 1869 there were two government buildings in the town, a "public house", a store and "8 or 9 huts". This courthouse was repaired following cyclones in 1875 and 1877. By 1878, a new, timber building with a shingle roof was commenced by contractor Thomas Watson. It was completed by the end of 1878 for a cost of £520/18. The design, prepared by the Office of the Government Architect, was similar to the Port Douglas courthouse, constructed in 1879.</p><br>
<p>By June 1880, the Police Inspector reported that the "...Barracks consist of the old Court House and the original Barracks and Cells...". The former portion was occupied by the Sergeant and the latter by the Constable. At this time, there were two new cells under construction. The Inspector of Police reported that the Barracks were in an unsatisfactory state, the result of "...keeping a number of pigs, goats and poultry on the premises". By October 1881, in compliance with the Inspectors instructions, William Taggs premises at St Lawrence were rented to serve as a police barracks for twelve months at a cost of £25 per annum. By September 1882, the Constable at St Lawrence requested instructions regarding a renewal of rental terms. In October 1882, Tagg offered to sell the premises to the police, however, following an inspection, it was decided to erect a new police barracks on the site of the reserve, which were occupied by the courthouse, post and telegraph office and sergeants quarters. The Constable in Charge proposed that the slabs from the buildings to be pulled down to make way for the new police barracks, not be sold off, but reused to erect stables, a saddle room, a cart shed and other out offices.</p><br>
<p>In January 1914, Herbert Payne was awarded the tender to remove eight decayed stumps from under the courthouse and replace them with solid blocks. The decayed floor boards at the "bottom front verandah" were also to be replaced and the building painted. The cost totalled £45.</p><br>
<p>In January 1919, the Commissioner of Railways informed the Police Department that a camp was to be established at St Lawrence for the construction of the North Coast Railway. The Commissioner thought that the town did not have a police presence; however, he was informed that there were two constables stationed at St Lawrence.</p><br>
<p>In 1921, it was proposed to build new accommodation for the single constable, as the old slab quarters, constructed, were considered uninhabitable. Funding was not granted for this, and so the following year, the constable was directed to use one of the rooms at the rear of the courthouse. The Constable in Charge, who was also Acting Clerk of Petty Sessions, was already using the building for clerical work and "indoor" police work. A toilet for prisoners was added to the rear verandah in 1935 when new stables and forage room was also built. The single constable&#39;s quarters was pulled down in 1923 and the slabs used to construct a harness room.</p><br>
<p>The arrival of the North Coast railway line in 1921 provided an important economic boost to the area, as well as a transport link. St Lawrence was a meal stop for rail passengers and the refreshments rooms at one time employed 22 women. Drivers and staff also changed at St Lawrence. The town itself reached its peak in the late 1940s with a population of 3000.</p><br>
<p>The police barracks was demolished in the late 1980s and a new building was constructed. The railway station closed in 1992 and the last court was held in St Lawrence in that year. The police station and former courthouse and the cell block continue to be used by the police department.</p><br>
<h2>Description</h2><br>
<p>Located in the south-west corner of the site, the St Lawrence Police Station and former Courthouse is a single story, "T-shaped" timber building, with an exterior cross-braced frame supported on low stumps. The gable roof is clad with corrugated iron. The building is surrounded on the south, west and east by a verandah with timber posts, under a separate roof, clad with corrugated iron. The verandah to the north (rear) of the building, has been partially enclosed on the north-western side, to accommodate toilet facilities. This section of the building has a skillion roof clad with corrugated iron. This enclosure is part of the 1934 additions. The verandah has also been partially enclosed, with vertically jointed timber, on the north-eastern side to accommodate toilet facilities. This enclosure is later in date, and the framework is clad with chamferboards.</p><br>
<p>A set of timber stairs lead to the paired, panelled, timber doors. The entrance is centrally located under a gabled roof with a decorative timber finial. A circular ventilator is located high in the southern facade. Narrow windows operating on pivots are located on either side of the entrance door and along the western and eastern sides of the building. Forming part of the transverse section of the building, on the eastern side, is located a set of long, rectangular casement windows, protected by a sunhood with timber brackets, clad with corrugated iron. A timber door at the northern end of the verandah on the eastern side, leads to the office. Internally, the entrance doors lead to the former courtroom. The room is horizontally lined with timber on the western, eastern and southern side of the room. The northern side is vertically lined with timber. The central section of the timber ceiling is flat and the sides and ends are angled. A vent with decorative fretwork is located in the ceiling. The Magistrate&#39;s bench is located at the northern end of the room. Timber doors are located on either side of the bench. These lead into two rooms forming the transverse section of the "T". One leads to the office and the second to the interview room. Court records and the original straitjacket, issued for the restraint of violent prisoners, are located in storage in the former courtroom.</p><br>
<p>The office, located at the northern end of the building, is lined with timber on the western and eastern and southern sides and with chamferboards on the northern side. A door in the northern wall leads to a small office which forms part of the enclosed rear (northern) verandah. A second door leads to the open verandah. A timber door at the western end of the rear verandah leads to a small office, forming part of the original section of the building, which is used as an interview room. This room is lined with timber and there is a breezeway located in the eastern wall. A timber, panelled door in the southern wall opens to the former courtroom.</p><br>
<p>The cell block, a single storey timber building, set on low timber stumps, with a hipped roof clad with corrugated galvanised iron, is located almost in the centre of the property, to the north-east of the police station and former courthouse. On the eastern side of the cell, timber stairs lead to the verandah and cell doors. Part of the verandah, at the northern end, has been enclosed to accommodate shower facilities. Apart from a doorway, the verandah is surrounded by a metal grill. Rectangular openings with metal grills and mesh wire are located high in each elevation. Two cells are located within the block, at the north and south ends of the building, each measuring a few metres square. In both blocks, to one corner, is located a porcelain toilet set in concrete. The cells are accessed via a heavy, timber door with iron hinges and bolts, and a square opening with an iron opening and door latch.</p><br>
<p>An incinerator with the words "CP ENG MK1" embossed on the body is located to the north of the police station and former courthouse building. Two mango trees are located in the north-west corner of the property. A number of other mature trees and plantings are located around the site. The property is surrounded by a modern chain wire fence.</p><br>
<h2>Heritage listing</h2><br>
<p>Police Station and former Courthouse and Cell Block was listed on the Queensland Heritage Register on 24 November 2000 having satisfied the following criteria.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the evolution or pattern of Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>Forming part of the old town of St Lawrence, the site of the St Lawrence police station and former courthouse (1878) and cell block, constructed by 1880, is significant as it reflects the history and development of St Lawrence and the surrounding area and its role as a regional judicial precinct in the early years following Separation.</p><br>
<p>The place demonstrates rare, uncommon or endangered aspects of Queensland&#39;s cultural heritage.</p><br>
<p>Few early timber police station and courthouse buildings survive and the St Lawrence police station and courthouse building is significant for its rarity as one of the earliest, intact, extant examples of this type of building.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the principal characteristics of a particular class of cultural places.</p><br>
<p>As a single-storey, timber, government building, with drawings prepared by the Office of the Colonial Architect, the St Lawrence police station and former courthouse is significant as an example of a typical type of design and construction.</p><br>
<p>The cell block is significant as an extant example of the typical timber cell blocks constructed by the Department of Public Works in the late 19th century.</p><br>
<p>The place is important because of its aesthetic significance.</p><br>
<p>The St Lawrence police station and former courthouse has aesthetic significance due to the simplicity and symmetry of design of the building, and for its contribution to the MaCartney Street streetscape and the St Lawrence townscape.</p><br>
<p>The place has a special association with the life or work of a particular person, group or organisation of importance in Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>The site of a police reserve since 1863, the St Lawrence police station and former courthouse is significant for its long association with law and order and the dispensing of justice in the area. The building was the focus for a wide range of community services and this, together with the tradition of constables-in-charge, ensured that the St Lawrence police station and former courthouse provided an important community focus in the town.</p><br>
<p>Mango Avenue is a heritage-listed avenue of trees at Mango Avenue , Eimeo, Mackay Region, Queensland, Australia. It was added to the Queensland Heritage Register on 31 July 2008.</p><br>
<h2>History</h2><br>
<p>The avenue of mango trees at Eimeo, north of Mackay, was established probably in the 1880s by Jeremiah Downs Armitage, owner of the beachside Eimeo hotel/boarding house, to delineate the track leading from the main road through his property to the hotel.</p><br>
<p>The Pioneer River district was taken up for pastoral and agricultural purposes from 1860. In 1862 a settlement was established on the south bank of the river; in 1863 this was surveyed as the township of Mackay, the first sale of town lots was held, Mackay was gazetted as a port of entry, and a customs house was opened. The town prospered as a port and as a commercial and administrative centre, drawing business from nearby pastoral holdings and the sugar plantations being developed along the river from the late 1860s. In the 1880s the population expanded as the Queensland economy enjoyed a boom and government settlement programs attracted agricultural immigrants to the colony. The Pioneer River sugar industry was flourishing and Mackay was emerging as an important regional centre.</p><br>
<p>Jeremiah Armitage came to Mackay in the early 1870s, and took up a 105-acre (42.5 hectare) selection with ocean frontages, about 9 miles (14.5 kilometres) north of Mackay, which he named after the island of Eimeo (Moorea) near Tahiti in the Society Islands. The land was selected in the name of Nancy Armitage (spinster), who gained a deed of grant to the property in 1876. Following her marriage in 1881, title was transferred early in 1882 to Jeremiah Downs Armitage. In 1874 he was recorded as a Mackay timber merchant, but had turned his attention to fruit growing by the 1880s.</p><br>
<p>To supplement his income as a fruit grower, Armitage developed Eimeo as one of the Mackay districts first tourist destinations. In April 1880 he opened a newly completed boarding house on a promontory overlooking the sea on three sides (later known as Eimeo Hill). The house sat in a 9-acre (3.6 hectares) garden stocked with fruit trees, and visitors were invited to enjoy "sea bathing, yachting, fishing and shooting". He may have licensed this building for a short period, as he held a publicans license for the Eimeo Hotel, Eimeo, in 1889-1890.</p><br>
<p>Armitage is believed to have planted an avenue of coconut palms (Cocos nucifera) and another of mango trees (Mangifera indica) along the track through his property leading to the boarding house/hotel. The mango is a large tree indigenous to India and South East Asia. As well as producing an edible fruit, the mango is an excellent shade tree. Walter Hill, first superintendent of the Brisbane Botanic Gardens, is credited with its introduction to Queensland and it was cultivated widely in North Queensland by early settlers, as a specimen tree in botanic gardens, as a household fruit tree, and as a shade tree along streets and in public parks.</p><br>
<p>From January 1885 Jeremiah Armitage, fruit grower, conducted the first postal receiving office at Eimeo. By 1891 this duty had been transferred to Mrs Kemp of the Sea View Hotel.</p><br>
<p>Contemporaneously with Armitage&#39;s license for the Eimeo Hotel, William George Kemp held a license for the Seaview (or Sea View) Hotel at Eimeo from 1887 to 1894. This was transferred to Mrs ER Kemp in 1894, then to WJ Clemments (or Clements) in 1895 and to PA Christiansen in 1896. Seaview Beach (now Bucasia) was located just west/north-west of Eimeo Hill. Kemp Street at Bucasia commemorates Mr and Mrs Kemp, early licensees of the Seaview Hotel.</p><br>
<p>On 21 August 1890 Armitage advertised Eimeo for sale. The property then consisted of 105 acres, the Beach Hotel, a large residence and numerous fruit trees. No license for the Beach Hotel has been identified. The hotel did not sell at this time.</p><br>
<p>In October 1890 J Armitage was appointed Superintendent of Coconut Planting by the Queensland government, to plant and manage coconut palms on coastal islands for the use of shipwrecked sailors. He appears to have held this position for a short period only, someone else being appointed to the position in July 1892.</p><br>
<p>Armitage was declared insolvent in 1893, at which time his Eimeo property passed to his mortgagor, the Queensland National Bank, which leased the whole of the land to Robert Bridgman from 1895. Bridgman conducted the boarding house at Eimeo. Armitage retained some connection with the area, being listed as an apiarist at Eimeo in the 1900 Queensland Post Office Directory. He died in Brisbane in 1919.</p><br>
<p>In 1905, George Francis Bridgman obtained title to the property, which was transferred in 1913 to Mackay publican Martin Hassett, and in 1915 to another Mackay hotelkeeper, William Thomas Eyles. From at least Eyles&#39; occupation, the business was known as the Eimeo Hotel.</p><br>
<p>In November 1919 title to the whole of the property was transferred to Charles Louis Albert Brown, who carried out the first subdivision of the 105 acre property in 1920, creating a number of beachfront residential allotments. In the mid-1920s the track leading to the Eimeo Hotel at the northern end of the property was surveyed as a public lane, which became known as Mango Avenue.</p><br>
<p>In 1923 the bulk of the property, including the Eimeo Hotel, was transferred to Arthur James Wallis Mowlam, then to James Amstead in 1926. Their names are perpetuated in nearby streets.</p><br>
<p>As the use of motor vehicles expanded in Queensland from the 1920s, Eimeo beach and the Eimeo Hotel, easily accessed from Mackay by road, gained in popularity with both local residents and tourists as recreation venues. The Queensland Government Intelligence and Tourist Bureau&#39;s 1929 publication The Mackay District, North Queensland (2nd edition pp29, 31) confirms this popularity and suggests that the Mango Avenue trees were well established by the late 1920s:"In close proximity to Mackay are many splendid beaches. Some of them are beautifully situated, surrounded by coconut palms, and reached through avenues of mango trees. The two most popular seaside resorts are Eimeo and Slade Point. Both of these are within easy motoring distance. Eimeo is about 9 miles north-west of Mackay, and can easily be reached by motor-car in half an hour. The drive to Eimeo is interesting all the way. At Eimeo there is a comfortable hotel, where every attention is paid to visitors. The hotel is situated on a beautiful headland, and commands charming views on all sides. The grounds of the hotel are extensive and well laid out with many varieties of fruit trees, while the approach thereto is laid out with stately coconut palms. Excellent shooting and fishing may be enjoyed here, and a motor-boat is available for conveying parties around one or other of the beautiful bays in this vicinity."In late 1932 title to the hotel site, on a reduced parcel of just under 9 acres (3.6 hectares), was transferred to Mrs Lavinia Walters, who demolished the building and constructed a new Eimeo Hotel in 1934, using some of the materials from the demolition. She purchased an old Anglican parish hall and moved it to the site to form an annex, and built an open-air dance floor and skating rink on the property. She is credited with being instrumental in having a bitumen road built between Eimeo and Mackay in 1938.</p><br>
<p>In the early 1940s, during World War II, the Eimeo Hotel was occupied by American servicemen on rest and recreation leave from New Guinea. The present Pacific Hotel on the site dates from 1954.</p><br>
<p>The coconut palms were removed in the 1990s, but the mango trees along Mango Avenue, between Whittles Lane and Heidke Street, survive and remain a tourist attraction.</p><br>
<h2>Description</h2><br>
<p>Mango Avenue is characterised by an avenue of mature mango trees (Mangifera indica) extending approximately 150m along the road reserve, between Whittles Lane and Heidke Street, heralding the approach to the Pacific Hotel that sits atop a prominent headland (formerly the site of the Eimeo Hotel).</p><br>
<p>The trees are large mature trees of about 15–20 metres tall. There are 16 trees on the western side of the road reserve and 18 on the eastern side, with a large Hoop pine (Araucaria cunninghamii) adjacent to the northernmost tree on the eastern side of the avenue. The canopies of the trees meet, forming a well-shaded tunnel along the road as well as overhanging adjacent properties, despite the spacing of the trunks being sometimes irregular. The trees commonly have evidence of severed lower branches and some sport street numbers for adjacent house blocks.</p><br>
<p>The road is a narrow strip of bitumen running roughly north-south. There is no curbing and little formal delineation of adjacent property entrances or boundaries on the east side. A concrete pathway exists along the western side of the road reserve, west of the trees. Property entrances on both sides of the roadway are simply sporadic gaps between the tree trunks.</p><br>
<h2>Heritage listing</h2><br>
<p>Mango Avenue was listed on the Queensland Heritage Register on 31 July 2008 having satisfied the following criteria.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the evolution or pattern of Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>The s mango trees along Mango Avenue at Eimeo provide important tangible evidence of an early phase of North Queensland tourism, little of which survives in built form. It is associated with the 1880 establishment of one of the Mackay district&#39;s first seaside resorts, the Eimeo boarding house/hotel, during a period of strong economic growth in the region.</p><br>
<p>They are important also in illustrating the use of the mango as a shade tree and for street beautification in tropical Queensland.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the principal characteristics of a particular class of cultural places.</p><br>
<p>Once constituting the private entrance to the Eimeo boarding house/hotel, this avenue of Mangifera indica, now over 120 years old, remains an excellent example of a grand-entrance avenue of trees in a coastal setting.</p><br>
<p>The place is important because of its aesthetic significance.</p><br>
<p>As an approach avenue of substantial shade trees that leads to a site closely linked to the recreational history of Mackay, the place has long been appreciated for its aesthetic significance. The dramatic tunnel effect of driving through the shady avenue when approaching or leaving the Pacific Hotel (formerly the site of the Eimeo Hotel) generates an aesthetic response known to have been enjoyed by visitors since at least the 1920s, and likely much earlier.</p><br>
<p>Finch Hatton railway station is a heritage-listed former railway station at Mackay-Eungella Road, Finch Hatton, Mackay Region, Queensland, Australia. It was built in 1904. It is also known as Hatton railway station and Pelion railway station. It was added to the Queensland Heritage Register on 6 December 2004.</p><br>
<h2>History</h2><br>
<p>The Finch Hatton railway station opened on 21 September 1904. The station formed part of the Pioneer Valley Line of the Mackay Railway, the first stage of which opened on 10 August 1885 terminating at Mirani. In search of new pastoral land, John Mackay and his party entered and named the valley of the Mackay River in 1860 (renamed Pioneer River in 1862), and the following year he returned to establish a cattle station. Other settlers quickly followed. In 1862, the ketch "Presto" entered the Mackay River landing stores and building materials, then surveyed the river mouth, which consequently was gazetted as a Port of Entry.</p><br>
<p>In the earliest years of non-Indigenous settlement of the Pioneer Valley, the area was leased as two cattle runs, Hamilton and Hopetoun. They were worked as one property with the head station at Hamilton, across the Pioneer River from the township now known as Mirani. Prior to the opening of the railway station in 1885, the town of Mirani was known as Hamilton, after one of the cattle properties, but was changed so that no confusion could arise between it and the suburb of Hamilton in Brisbane.</p><br>
<p>Sugar cane is a bulky crop that transports well, but it needs to be processed quickly once harvested. In the 19th century, the only transport method that answered these requirements was the railway. Every sugar district developed a network of tramways and railways, provided by a combination of the sugar mills, local government and the Queensland Government.</p><br>
<p>The first sugar mill in the district, John Ewen Davidson&#39;s, Alexandra was established in 1868. Agitation for a local rail network began in the late 1870s. The principal advocates were the independent cane growers who were forced to send their cane to the nearest plantation mill to be crushed. A government-operated rail network was a means of overcoming that dependence and allowing growers to choose which mill crushed their cane. The Colonial Sugar Refining Company had introduced the two feet gauge steam tramway to the Queensland canefields when it built three large sugar mills simultaneously, at Homebush south-west of Mackay, at Victoria on the Herbert River and at Goondi on the Johnstone River. Homebush Mill opened in 1883.</p><br>
<p>Approval for the Pioneer Valley line was granted by the Parliament in October 1882. Mackay was growing in name as the centre of a prosperous sugar district, and, due to the input on the Colonial Sugar Refining Company, already had private steam tramways. In 1880 John Spiller built a five kilometre line on his River Estate plantation and worked it with a locally built vertical boiler engine. The following year he built a similar line on his Pioneer plantation, both on the north side of the river.</p><br>
<p>A railway route was surveyed west from Mackay parallel to the south bank of the river to a point opposite Hamilton (later Mirani) railway station and construction began in late 1883. The contract was awarded to George Bashford & Co in late 1883. Nearly 2000 people assembled to watch the Queensland Governor, Anthony Musgrave, ceremonially turn the first sod on his first visit to Mackay even though work had been underway for a month. The first stage from Mackay to Mirani was opened on 10 August 1885. A branch line commencing at Newbury Junction, west of Mackay, ran south towards Eton, the only other settlement of note in the district apart from Mackay and Walkerston.</p><br>
<p>In 1885, with the Mackay Railway terminating at Mirani, the town was the limit of closer settlement. Throughout the 1890s the government received requests for the Pioneer Valley line to be extended to open up more land for cane, particularly the extensive area of land that lay between Mirani and the Eungella Ranges. Selectors began to farm the fertile areas further west of Mirani within the vicinity of McGregor&#39;s Creek; however the unbridged Pioneer River was an impediment to further expansion.</p><br>
<p>A short extension of the line was finally made over the Pioneer River at Mirani in 1897 to give growers access to rail transport. Expenditure for the bridge of five, 34 metre long steel spans on high concrete piers was approved and contract let to A Overend & Co, in August 1896. The two kilometres of track to Mirani West officially opened on 11 December 1897.</p><br>
<p>Plans for major extension of the Pioneer Railway line were tabled before Parliament on 30 November 1900. The extension further west to Pinnacle, opened on 7 July 1902. This was the first line completed under the new day labour system.</p><br>
<p>The Pioneer Valley line was instrumental in the expansion of the sugar industry, significantly increasing the amount of land that could be cultivated for sugar on an economically viable basis, as well as being a critical factor in the development of a central mill system, providing an alternate transport system to shipping, thus enabling cane plantations to be located away from major waterways.</p><br>
<p>Whilst the Pioneer Valley line was extended to Pinnacle by 1902, good quality agricultural land lay for many kilometres beyond the railway terminus. Around the same time as the extension of the Pioneer Valley line, the Racecourse Central Sugar Company had embarked upon an extension program of developing cane growing in the Upper Pioneer Valley. The Sugar Company, together with the Pioneer Shire Council and the selectors in the area combined to turn what was previously a sparsely settled area into a productive sugar district. Playing a key role in furthering the area cultivated for sugar was the extension of the railway line through to Finch Hatton.</p><br>
<p>Almost immediately after the railway line was extended to Pinnacle, the government was lobbied to extend the line further. The government, however, had other priorities, resulting in the Pioneer Shire Council deciding to construct the next stage to Finch Hatton, as well as a branch line from Pinnacle along McGregor&#39;s Creek. The railway from Pinnacle to Finch Hatton opened on 21 September 1904. Finch Hatton now became the terminus for the Pioneer Valley line and this was the trigger for closer settlement within the area and gave rise to the establishment of the township.</p><br>
<p>In September 1904, the Mackay Chronicle reported that Hatton (as Finch Hatton was then known) was beginning to assume a business air with the residences of Messrs Peoples and Zahmel within sight of the terminus. A hotel, run by a Mr Waters, had also been constructed. The extension of the railway line to Finch Hatton was a catalyst for the opening up of further land for sugar cane with the opening of the Cattle Creek mill, south-east of Finch Hatton in 1906. In 1906, Hatton was renamed Pelion, however a few months later the name was changed to Finch Hatton.</p><br>
<p>The government took over responsibility of the Pinnacle-Finch Hatton section of the railway line from 1 July 1910 and quickly constructed the extension west to Netherdale (this station was also known as the Eungella Range). By 1914, tourists began to access the Eungella Range area by travelling to Netherdale by rail and walking up the newly improved road to Eungella.</p><br>
<p>Finch Hatton station had a station master in charge, attending to the substantial traffic to and from the adjacent Cattle Creek mill which had its own private siding. The Station Master, Edward Crow, was promoted in mid-1915, and the local newspaper correspondent mentioned the long hours at the station. There was also a Night Officer so that the station was manned two shifts.</p><br>
<p>In 1913, Queensland Railways published a brochure titled "Tours in the Mackay District "which highlighted the natural beauty of the region especially that of the Eungella Ranges. By the 1920s, Finch Hatton had become the largest township in the area outside of Mackay and Sarina.</p><br>
<p>In 1932, a special committee was set up, comprising the representatives of the departments of Land, Forestry and Agriculture and the Director of the Mackay Butter Factory to investigate the settlement, forestry and scenic potential of the Eungella area. The outcome of that investigation was that the area of "primeval" jungle should be preserved. In 1941, acknowledgement of the importance of the Eungella area led to the gazettal of Eungella National Park.</p><br>
<p>The Mackay Railway, from Kowari to Netherdale (west of Finch Hatton) officially closed on 19 December 1977 after being damaged by flooding. The section of the Mackay Railway between Marian and Finch Hatton (which included the Finch Hatton railway station) closed on 2 October 1990. The position of station master was abolished in 1988 and the goods shed had been sold for removal. The Cattle Creek Mill also closed in 1990. This was a common pattern in sugar districts as industry deregulation resulted in cane lands going out of production and mills closing. Many tram and rail lines disappeared and road transport was increasingly used to take the harvest to the mills.</p><br>
<p>By 1994, the railway complex comprised only the station building as the station master&#39;s house was relocated to Zahmel Street, Finch Hatton.</p><br>
<p>The former station building was then taken over by the Mirani Shire Council, operating the building as the Finch Hatton Historic Railway Station and Internet Access Centre. The Station and Centre focuses on the local and social history and the development of the Pioneer Valley and opens on a daily basis. In 2015, following the amalgamation of local government areas including Shire of Mirani, the building is owned and operated by the Mackay Regional Council.</p><br>
<h2>Description</h2><br>
<p>The former Finch Hatton Railway Station is a single storey, timber framed building, set on low timber stumps, clad with timber weatherboards. The building has a gable roof on the eastern side and a gambrel roof on the western side, clad with corrugated iron. Timber louvered ventilators are located high in the western and eastern elevations. The roof extends on the northern, southern and sides of the building creating shade to these sections.</p><br>
<p>The fretted shelter shed spandrels running the length of the structure on the northern and southern sides compare with the Mirani railway station building, further to the east along the line. The station building has timber louvred valance along the western elevation with station name boards.</p><br>
<p>Accommodation from east to west consists of the former ladies&#39; room and closet, shelter area and office.</p><br>
<p>The building is surrounded by well manicured grounds and mature trees. A number of commemorative cairns are located within the property.</p><br>
<h2>Heritage listing</h2><br>
<p>The former Finch Hatton Railway Station was listed on the Queensland Heritage Register on 6 December 2004 having satisfied the following criteria.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the evolution or pattern of Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>The Finch Hatton railway station building is important as a substantially intact example of a country branch line station building, demonstrating the importance of the Queensland sugar industry&#39;s railway networks and the gradual loss of this network following industry deregulation and a shift to road transport of harvested cane. Located on the Pioneer Valley Line of the Mackay Railway, the Finch Hatton railway station building is an extant reminder of the growth of the district as pre-eminent cane growing area in the late 19th and early 20th century. The opening of the area through the establishment of the railway also prompted the development of the timber and tourism industries.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the principal characteristics of a particular class of cultural places.</p><br>
<p>With spaces formerly consisting of office area, shelter area with shade to both sides of the building and with ticket windows facing the shelter areas, the Finch Hatton Railway Station building is a good example of a country branch line timber railway building. Its decorative fretted shelter shed spandrels compare with the Mirani railway station building.</p><br>
<p>The place is important because of its aesthetic significance.</p><br>
<p>The Finch Hatton railway station building is important for its aesthetic significance, particularly with regard to the station building&#39;s unusual architectural features, its intact state and by its picturesque setting in the main street of the township, close to the Finch Hatton War Memorial.</p><br>
<p>Nassau Brewing Company, also known as the Budweiser Brewing Company of Brooklyn and Bedford Brewery, is a historic brewery complex located in the Crown Heights neighborhood of Brooklyn, Kings County, New York. It consists of two remaining</p><br>
<p>industrial buildings dating from the 1860s to the 1880s and are in the Rundbogenstil and Romanesque Revival style. The brick buildings are two to six stories and form an "L"-shape. The buildings feature substantial underground brick vaults originally constructed for the aging of lager beer at near-freezing temperatures. The brewery closed in 1916. The earlier sections are vacant and the 1880s elements were rehabilitated as apartments and offices in the 2000s.</p><br>
<p>It was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 2014.</p><br>
<p>Crown Heights North Historic District is a national historic district located in the Crown Heights neighborhood of Brooklyn, Kings County, New York. The district encompasses 1,019 contributing buildings in a predominantly residential section of Brooklyn. The district features noteworthy examples of Greek Revival, Gothic Revival, Italianate, Second Empire, Queen Anne, Romanesque Revival, Renaissance Revival, Beaux-Arts, and Colonial Revival style architecture. It largely developed between about 1853 and 1942, and consists of densely constructed rowhouses, townhouses, two-family houses, semi-attached houses, freestanding houses, flats, apartment buildings, and institutional and commercial buildings. Notable buildings include the former Union League Club Building , Union United Methodist Church , Brooklyn Methodist Episcopal Church Home , Bedford Central Presbyterian Church , Hebron French Speaking Seventh Day Adventist Church , St. Gregory the Great Roman Catholic Church , and the former Kings County Savings Bank .</p><br>
<p>It was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 2014. Two years later, its boundaries were expanded to take in 600 more buildings, including some associated with Shirley Chisholm, the first African-American woman elected to Congress.</p><br>
<p>Mary A. Whalen, known as the S.T. Kiddoo from 1938 to 1958, is a historic oil tanker located in the Red Hook neighborhood of Brooklyn, Kings County, New York. She is the home of the non-profit PortSide NewYork, and the group runs programs aboard her. She was built in 1938 by the John J. Mathis Company of Camden, New Jersey and measures 172 feet long. She is a rare example of a "bell boat." The tanker shipped various fuel products along East Coast and was at center of United States v. Reliable Transfer Co., a pivotal 1975 Supreme Court decision in maritime law after she ran aground in Rockaway Inlet in 1968. She was in active service until 1994.</p><br>
<p>She was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 2012.</p><br>
<p>PortSide NewYork has more information about her in their e-museum.</p><br>
<p>The James R. Talbot House is a historic house at 509 Main Street  in East Machias, Maine. Built in 1874, it is one of the finest examples of the Second Empire style in eastern Washington County. It now houses The Talbot House Inn, a bed and breakfast establishment. It was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1983.</p><br>
<h2>Description and history</h2><br>
<p>The Talbot House is located on the west side of US 1 in East Machias, just south of its junction with Maine State Route 191. It is a three story wood frame structure, with a mansard roof and clapboard siding. The steep portion of the mansard roof is finished in wood shingles, and is studded with round-arch dormers. The cornice is modillioned, and the building corners are pilastered. The main facade is three bays wide, with a center entrance sheltered by an elaborate flat-roof porch. Windows are framed by decorative bracketed and gabled surrounds. The windows flanking the main entrance are narrow tripled sash, with a similar doubled French door above the entrance. Other windows are more conventionally sized sash, although projecting sections on the sides have narrow windows on the sides.</p><br>
<p>The house was built in 1874 for James Talbot, one of the area&#39;s leading lumber manufacturers and shipbuilders. It was designed by Portland architect James A. Tenney, and is the only one of his Second Empire designs in Washington County (of three known) to survive.</p><br>
<p>Isom Place is located at 1003 Jefferson Avenue in Oxford, Mississippi and listed on the National Register of Historic Places. The earliest version of the structure was a two or three bedroom cabin, but by 1840 Isom used the cabin as a core for the current home.</p><br>
<p>At the age of thirty in 1856 Isom married Sarah McGehee of Abbeville, South Carolina. Lore reports that McGehee brought a shoot of a magnolia tree from South Carolina and planted it in the front yard of Isom Place; it is not known if the tree remains standing. Their daughter, Sarah McGehee Isom, would be born in the 1850s in this house and become the first female faculty member at the nearby University of Mississippi and the first female faculty member at a coeducational institution of higher education in the Southeast United States.</p><br>
<p>Isom Place currently houses the.</p><br>
<p>The Scott Farm Historic District encompasses a historic farm property at 707 Kipling Road in Dummerston, Vermont. Developed between about 1850 and 1915, Scott Farm is a well-preserved farm and orchard complex of that period. It was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 2001.</p><br>
<h2>Description and history</h2><br>
<p>Scott Farm is set on more than 570 acre of rolling hills in southeastern Dummerston, a rural community in southeastern Vermont. The main farmstead is located on the southwest side of Kipling Road, consisting of a c. 1850 house along with a cluster of agricultural outbuildings, now mostly concerned with the production and processing of apples. Most of the farmstead buildings date to the between about 1911 and 1967. Just south of the complex are three ponds, impounded by concrete dams built about 1909 and renovated in 1975. Remote buildings on the property include another farmhouse (c. 1845) on the west side of Dutton Farm Road, and two early 20th-century cottages.</p><br>
<p>Portions of the land that makes up Scott Farm were probably cleared in the early 19th century, and used at subsistence levels. In 1845 Rufus Scott purchased the land that now makes up the core of the farm, building the Greek Revival farmhouse about 1850, and the Cow Barn in 1862. He operated a dairy farm at first, gradually diversifying the operation to include other activities. Apple trees were planted on the property by 1870, with forty trees producing fruit in 1880. Scotts farm was purchased in 1908 by Francis Holbrook II, a Boston lawyer, who proceeded to develop the farm as an apple orchard. He purchased the adjacent Dutton Farm in 1913. In 1995 Holbrooks heirs gave the farm to the Landmark Trust, a preservation organization that also owns nearby Naulakha, Rudyard Kipling&#39;s home.</p><br>
<p>First Presbyterian Church of Newtown is a historic Presbyterian church located in the Elmhurst neighborhood of Queens County, New York. The church was built in 1895, and is a Late Gothic Revival style, granite and brownstone church with a steep slate gable roof. It features three large pointed arched windows and an 85 foot tall square bell tower. The church is the fifth building for a congregation founded in 1652. It was moved to its present location in 1924, with the widening of Queens Boulevard. Also on the property are the contributing Parish Hall and manse. The Parish Hall is a Collegiate Gothic style brick building with a slate roof and built in 1931. The manse was built in 1907, and is a 2 1/2-story frame residence that was also moved in 1924.</p><br>
<p>It was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 2013.</p><br>
<p>Finch Hatton War Memorial is a heritage-listed memorial at Anzac Parade, Finch Hatton, Mackay Region, Queensland, Australia. It was designed by Melrose & Fenwick and built in 1921 by Melrose & Fenwick. It was added to the Queensland Heritage Register on 21 October 1992.</p><br>
<h2>History</h2><br>
<p>The Finch Hatton War Memorial was erected on 19 November 1921, and it is possible that it may never have been officially unveiled. It was erected at a cost of £200 which was paid for by public subscription. The stone memorial was designed and produced by Melrose and Fenwick of Mackay and honours the 16 local men who fell in the First World War. Later additions honour the 7 who fell in the Second World War.</p><br>
<p>The erection of the memorial was made possible through the combined efforts of two towns, Finch Hatton and Netherdale.</p><br>
<p>The initial development of Finch Hatton was in the mid 1900s as the terminus of the Pioneer Valley railway line. The town further developed when the Cattle Creek sugar mill opened in 1906. A supporting infrastructure of schools, theatres and halls was established, as well as residences for both workers and management. The town became the main centre of the Pioneer Valley hinterland and by the 1920s was the third largest township (after Mackay and Sarina) in the region.</p><br>
<p>Australia, and Queensland in particular, had few civic monuments before the First World War. The memorials erected in its wake became our first national monuments, recording the devastating impact of the war on a young nation. Australia lost 60 000 from a population of about 4 million, representing one in five of those who served. No previous or subsequent war has made such an impact on the nation.</p><br>
<p>Even before the end of the war, memorials became a spontaneous and highly visible expression of national grief. To those who erected them, they were as sacred as grave sites, substitute graves for the Australians whose bodies lay in battlefield cemeteries in Europe and the Middle East. British policy decreed that the Empire war dead were to be buried where they fell. The word "cenotaph", commonly applied to war memorials at the time, literally means "empty tomb".</p><br>
<p>Australian war memorials are distinctive in that they commemorate not only the dead. Australians were proud that their first great national army, unlike other belligerent armies, was composed entirely of volunteers, men worthy of honour whether or not they paid the supreme sacrifice. Many memorials honour all who served from a locality, not just the dead, providing valuable evidence of community involvement in the war. Such evidence is not readily obtainable from military records, or from state or national listings, where names are categorised alphabetically or by military unit.</p><br>
<p>Australian war memorials are also valuable evidence of imperial and national loyalties, at the time, not seen as conflicting; the skills of local stonemasons, metalworkers and architects; and of popular taste. In Queensland, the soldier statue was the popular choice of memorial, whereas the obelisk predominated in the southern states, possibly a reflection of Queensland&#39;s larger working-class population and a lesser involvement of architects.</p><br>
<p>Many of the First World War monuments have been updated to record local involvement in later conflicts, and some have fallen victim to unsympathetic re-location and repair. Although there are many different types of memorials in Queensland, the digger statue is the most common. It was the most popular choice of communities responsible for erecting the memorials, embodying the Anzac spirit and representing the qualities of the ideal Australian: loyalty, courage, youth, innocence and masculinity. The digger was a phenomenon peculiar to Queensland, perhaps due to the fact that other states had followed Britain&#39;s lead and established Advisory Boards made up of architects and artists, prior to the erection of war memorials. The digger statue was not highly regarded by artists and architects who were involved in the design of relatively few Queensland memorials.</p><br>
<p>Most statues were constructed by local masonry firms, although some were by artists or imported.</p><br>
<p>Melrose and Fenwick the makers of the Finch Hatton memorial, were a monumental masonry firm established in Townsville in. They were a large firm with branches throughout Northern Queensland. They enjoyed continued success into the late 20th century, only going out of business in the early 1980s.</p><br>
<p>The pedestal of this monument is of an unusually ornate style. The impetus for the design is not known; however it is probably a result of regional tastes and preferences.</p><br>
<h2>Description</h2><br>
<p>The First World War Memorial is situated in Finch Hatton facing the Mackay-Eungella Road.</p><br>
<p>The memorial rises to a height of 17 feet and comprises a pedestal surmounted by a digger statue.</p><br>
<p>The sandstone memorial sits on a base step with picked stone faces, margined and chiselled. Surmounting this are two larger steps with chamfered corners. The lower of these two steps has a diaper pattern, margined and chiselled on all faces. The upper step is smooth faced and is capped with cyma recta mouldings.</p><br>
<p>The pedestal rises from this base and is in two parts. The lower part consists of a recessed square section with small barley twist columns at each corner. The square section continues above a shallow cornice and is capped by a series of curvilinear inverted steps. Surmounting this is a second section, smooth-faced with recessed panels on each face and stop-chamfers to each corner. This is capped by a further series of inverted steps which are arched over recessed panels.</p><br>
<p>Standing on a small block above this is the digger statue. The soldier statue stands with his head bowed and hands crossed over a rifle which is in the reversed position. A tree stump is located behind the statue for support.</p><br>
<h2>Heritage listing</h2><br>
<p>Finch Hatton War Memorial was listed on the Queensland Heritage Register on 21 October 1992 having satisfied the following criteria.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the evolution or pattern of Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>War Memorials are important in demonstrating the pattern of Queensland&#39;s history as they are representative of a recurrent theme that involved most communities throughout the state. They provide evidence of an era of widespread Australian patriotism and nationalism, particularly during and following the First World War.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the principal characteristics of a particular class of cultural places.</p><br>
<p>The monuments manifest a unique documentary record and are demonstrative of popular taste in the inter-war period.</p><br>
<p>Erected in 1921, the memorial at Finch Hatton demonstrates the principal characteristics of a commemorative structure erected as an enduring record of a major historical event. This is achieved through the use of appropriate materials and design elements. As a digger statue it is representative of the most popular form of memorial in Queensland.</p><br>
<p>The place is important because of its aesthetic significance.</p><br>
<p>This particular memorial is of aesthetic significance for its high level of workmanship and design. The pedestal displays a pattern and design which is uncommon in war memorials in Queensland.</p><br>
<p>The place has a strong or special association with a particular community or cultural group for social, cultural or spiritual reasons.</p><br>
<p>As a combined effort of two towns, it has a strong association with the communities of both as evidence of the impact of a major historic event.</p><br>
<p>The place has a special association with the life or work of a particular person, group or organisation of importance in Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>It also has special associations with monumental masons Melrose and Fenwick as an example of their work.</p><br>
<p>Homebush Mission Hall is a heritage-listed mission at Homebush Road, Homebush, Mackay Region, Queensland, Australia. It was initially built but was substantially rebuilt in 1918. It was added to the Queensland Heritage Register on 6 January 1997.</p><br>
<h2>History</h2><br>
<p>The association of the South Sea Island community with this site began in 1892 when the Colonial Sugar Refining Company donated land from their Homebush holding for a community meeting house.</p><br>
<p>The Pioneer Valley lay within the southern section of the Kennedy land district. While pastoral land in the Leichhdart and Port Curtis districts was opened for settlement in the early 1850s, the Kennedy was not opened for selection until November 1859. The first settlers established large runs across the entire Pioneer Valley. By the late 1860s pastoral holdings dominated the district although some land was utilised for agriculture around the township of Mackay.</p><br>
<p>Twenty years later agriculture, particularly sugar growing, had superseded pastoralism in the valley. Pastoralism declined because sheep were affected by footrot and spear grass and there were no local markets for cattle. Several of the early settlers, struggling to maintain their pastoral holdings, experimented with sugar cane on the rich soil of the valley.</p><br>
<p>The burgeoning sugar cane industry was greatly assisted by the opening of markets in Europe after sugar supplies were cut during the American Civil War. A further impetus was the establishment of steam powered mills in the district in 1868. By 1878 4,844 acres was under cane in the valley.</p><br>
<p>Indentured Melanesian labour was used to run the plantations and mills. Over 62,000 Pacific Islanders were contracted as indentured labourers in Queensland between 1863 and 1904. The everyday lives of these indentured labourers was controlled by Europeans, particularly in the area of education. South Sea Islanders mostly received their education through the Mission School System, developed by Christian churches throughout the district. These mission schools, established away from the parent church, taught Christianity using full time missionary and Melanesian lay teachers. The school combined religious education with general education. Older people attended Sunday services, baptisms and other church services and were taught to read and write at night classes.</p><br>
<p>The Homebush Mission Hall was established by the Presbyterian Church on land donated by the Colonial Sugar Refining Company at Homebush. The building, which had been constructed of corrugated iron and timber stumps, supplied by the trustees, looked on to the mill road, which ran along the tramline to the combined road and tramline bridge over Sandy Creek.</p><br>
<p>The Mission Hall officially came under the trusteeship of Frederick Culverhouse, a butcher of Sandy Creek near Homebush, of Neil Petersen, a farmer of "Marseille" (sic), Homebush and Frank James Stevens, a farmer of "Colston Vale," Homebush on 28 June 1892. Trusteeship of the hall did not pass to the South Sea Islander community until 1992. An anti-Asian/Islander immigration movement, which had its foundations in the mining fields of southern Australia in the 1850s, had grown in strength and general acceptance by the late nineteenth century. The introduction of various pieces of legislation made the White Australia Policy a fact in law by the beginning of the twentieth century. Specific legislation in 1901 and 1903 restricted the immigration of labourers from the Pacific Islands. A Queensland royal commission in April, 1906 reported on the number of South Sea Islanders to be deported by the end of 1906, while, at the same time, amendments were made to the Federal Pacific Islander Labourers Act to discontinue further immigration from the islands of the Pacific.</p><br>
<p>In North Queensland, South Sea Islander political activists formed the Pacific Islanders Association in May 1901 to protest against the deportation of members of the community. Deportation meant that people who had lived in Australia for many years would be sent back to their country of birth leaving family behind. The Pacific Islanders Association was active for several years with meetings and protest gatherings held in locations such as the Homebush Mission Hall.</p><br>
<p>In the 1918 Mackay cyclone the Mission Hall was severely damaged, almost to the point of total demolition, and was later rebuilt, to face the Homebush Road, with mostly original material and with donations from trustees, Stevens and Petersen, and with a small sum from the Homebush Mill. For the next five decades the Mission Hall served the local community as a place of worship, social gatherings, weddings, Sunday school, picnics, meetings and other entertainment. The regularity of church, Sunday school and social gatherings decreased over the years, as the local population changed.</p><br>
<p>By the 1970s the hall was no longer in use, and had become dilapidated. In recent years the hall has again become a focus for the local South Sea Island community and is a part of their cultural revival. Many of these people received Sunday schooling there, looking upon the building with great affection and pride.</p><br>
<p>On 13 January 1992, the hall came under the trusteeship of the Australian South Sea Islander United Council. One of the trustees, Cristine Andrew, has been instrumental in having the building conserved.</p><br>
<h2>Description</h2><br>
<p>The Homebush Mission Hall is a single-storey building of timber and corrugated iron, located a few kilometres to the east of the village of Homebush, about 20 km south of Mackay. It is situated on the western fringe of a small cluster of cottages and surrounded by canefields. Triangular in shape, the site fronts the Homebush-Eton Road along its northern boundary, and has a cane tram line running parallel to its diagonal boundary to the south-east.</p><br>
<p>The hall is nestled towards the rear corner of the site, and faces north-east. The site is flat and grassed, with a scattering of mature eucalypts and new plantings, and marked by a fence of bush timber posts.</p><br>
<p>The building is a simple rectangular form (about 9.3 x 6.1m), with a projecting entry porch. The gabled roof is corrugated iron, with a lean-to roof over the porch. The walls to the body of the hall are also clad in corrugated iron, and punctuated by four tall, narrow windows to each side. These four-pane windows are horizontally pivoting, and retain some of their early hardware. Centred within the gable at each end is a panel of timber louvres to vent the roof space.</p><br>
<p>The hall is low-set, with timber stumps to the perimeter, and steel posts to the remainder. There are timber steps to the porch and the rear door. The entry porch is open, and clad in weatherboards and timber lattice. In the wall sheeting behind the porch is a V-shaped cut, being evidence an earlier porch had a gabled form.</p><br>
<p>There are also two windows, matching those of the sides, to the front wall, one each side of the double entry doors. The interior is a single room, with the timber wall and roof framing exposed. The floor is of narrow (about 50mm) hardwood boards. The rear door is boarded and braced, and retains some original hardware. To the far end is a raised timber platform, used as the sanctuary for the church services.</p><br>
<p>Beside the building is a corrugated steel water tank and timber stand. Also on the site is a empty outside "thunderbox" toilet (reputedly from the Sarina Mission), some log seats and a corrugated steel toilet block.</p><br>
<h2>Heritage listing</h2><br>
<p>Homebush Mission Hall was listed on the Queensland Heritage Register on 6 January 1997 having satisfied the following criteria.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the evolution or pattern of Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>The Homebush Mission Hall is an important historical feature in the development, both socially and economically, of the North Queensland region through its strong association with the South Sea Islander labour force which was instrumental in the establishment of the sugar cane industry, particularly in the Mackay District.</p><br>
<p>The place demonstrates rare, uncommon or endangered aspects of Queensland&#39;s cultural heritage.</p><br>
<p>Although similar examples were once common through the region, it is now a rare example of community meeting place of simple vernacular construction methods using timber and corrugated iron.</p><br>
<p>The place is important because of its aesthetic significance.</p><br>
<p>It is also recognised by the broader community for its landmark and rude picturesque qualities.</p><br>
<p>The place has a strong or special association with a particular community or cultural group for social, cultural or spiritual reasons.</p><br>
<p>The Mission Hall is strongly associated with the Islander community as a meeting place for religious, social, cultural, educational and community activities for over a century and particularly as a centre for protest meetings against deportation in the first decade of this century.</p><br>
<p>The place has a special association with the life or work of a particular person, group or organisation of importance in Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>The hall continues to be an important part of Islander community life and the recent major conservation works on the hall is evidence of the continuing significance of this building to the South Sea Islander community of the region.</p><br>
<p>Koumala War Memorial is a heritage-listed memorial at Mumby Street, Koumala, Mackay Region, Queensland, Australia. It was built in 1959. It was added to the Queensland Heritage Register on 27 August 1999.</p><br>
<h2>History</h2><br>
<p>The Koumala War Memorial was erected in 1959. The dedication date of the memorial is Friday 18th April, 1958. Funds for the memorial were raised by public subscription, arranged by the Koumala sub-branch of the RSL. The memorial was erected in honour of those who served in all wars and particularly honours the six local men who made the supreme sacrifice in honour of their country during the Second World War.</p><br>
<p>Six small trees have been planted by the school children with each tree representative of one the six men. Temporary plaques displaying the names were placed beside each tree with the intention to replace them with more permanent plaques at some later stage.</p><br>
<h2>Description</h2><br>
<p>The Koumala War Memorial is situated in a reserve next to the Koumala State School, facing Bull Street. The reserve is surrounded by a low chain wire fence with white painted metal frames. The setting in which the memorial is located is barren apart from new plantings of "Ned Kelly" Grevilleas, and a flagpole which stands directly behind the memorial.</p><br>
<p>The memorial is constructed of white painted concrete and comprises a double stepped base from which rises an obelisk on a square plinth. The front face of the plinth features a plaque with a commemorative statement from the citizens of the Koumala district. The obelisk is surmounted by a small Latin cross.</p><br>
<p>Inscriptions on the plaques on the memorial read as follows:</p><br>
<p>Front Inscription</p><br>
<p>Plaque :</p><br>
<p>In Memory Of</p><br>
<p>Those Who Gave Their</p><br>
<p>Lives In Defence</p><br>
<p>Of Our Country</p><br>
<p>At the going down of the sun</p><br>
<p>and in the morning</p><br>
<p>We will remember them</p><br>
<p>Their Name Liveth For Evermore</p><br>
<p>Dedicated 2006</p><br>
<p>Plaque :</p><br>
<p>Erected By</p><br>
<p>THE CITIZENS OF</p><br>
<p>KOUMALA & DISTRICT</p><br>
<p>In Memory Of Those Who</p><br>
<p>Made The Supreme Sacrifice</p><br>
<p>In Defence Of Their Country.</p><br>
<h2>Heritage listing</h2><br>
<p>Koumala War Memorial was listed on the Queensland Heritage Register on 27 August 1999 having satisfied the following criteria.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the evolution or pattern of Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>War Memorials are important in demonstrating the pattern of Queensland&#39;s history as they are representative of a recurrent theme that involved most communities throughout the state. They provide evidence of an era of widespread Australian patriotism and nationalism, particularly during and following the First World War.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the principal characteristics of a particular class of cultural places.</p><br>
<p>The memorial at Koumala demonstrates the principal characteristics of a commemorative structure erected as an enduring record of a major historical event. This is achieved through the appropriate use of various elements such as the cairn and commemorative plaque.</p><br>
<p>The place has a strong or special association with a particular community or cultural group for social, cultural or spiritual reasons.</p><br>
<p>It has a strong and continuing association with the community as evidence of the impact of a major historic event and as the focal point for the remembrance of that event.</p><br>
<p>Mount Martin Cane Lift is a heritage-listed piece of agricultural equipment at Mirani Mount Ossa Road, Mount Martin, Mackay Region, Queensland, Australia. It was built before 1939. It was added to the Queensland Heritage Register on 5 February 2010.</p><br>
<h2>History</h2><br>
<p>The Mount Martin cane lift is situated near the locality of the same name in a rural area west of the city of Mackay. Mackay is the regional centre of one of Queenslands main sugar cane growing areas. One of the top two sugar producing regions in the state, it produces about a third of the sugar in Queensland. Sugar cane is a major crop in Queensland; the state produces nearly all of the nations sugar. The cane lifts formed part of the process of transporting bundled whole stalks of harvested sugar cane from the farms to the sugar mill. They were rendered obsolete by the universal adoption of "chopper" harvesters from the 1960s.</p><br>
<p>Sugar cane was first introduced to Australia in 1788 with the arrival of the First Fleet. In 1821, Port Macquarie under the command of Captain Allman became Australias first cane-growing area. In Queensland, the successful cultivation of sugar cane was established in 1864 at Redland Bay by Captain Louis Hope who erected Queenslands first sugar-crushing mill on the banks of Hilliard&#39;s Creek (now Ormiston) about 25 km south-east of Brisbane.</p><br>
<p>Cane growing was tried at Bowen in the Whitsunday Region in 1864 but continued there only until 1869, when it became clear that the climate was too dry. In the Pioneer Valley the first grower in the Mackay region was John Spiller. He arrived in Mackay in 1865 as a would-be squatter without capital but with cane brought from Java which he planted on the north bank of the Pioneer River. In June 1867 he produced the first sugar in the region.</p><br>
<p>The incipient cane growing industry was given impetus in 1864 with the enactment of the Sugar and Coffee Regulations, introduced by the government to encourage northern settlement. This enabled lessees to obtain plots of up to 1,280 acres (about 518ha) at a reasonable cost. Spiller and John Crees selected two blocks that became the Pioneer Plantation and built a primitive mill. T H Fitzgerald began a commercial plantation, Alexandra, in 1866 and with J Ewen Davidson set up a steam-powered mill that produced 110 tons (about 100 tonnes) of sugar in 1868. With these facilities a sugar boom began: small growers brought their cane for crushing to the Alexandra mill and acreage under cane expanded rapidly. Cane growers pushed back the graziers and by 1870 five mills were established.</p><br>
<p>By 1872 Mackay mills produced 40 per cent of the total Queensland sugar production and 37 per cent of its rum. Seventeen mills were established along the Pioneer River before 1875, most in 1872 and 1873. Another 12 including Farleigh, Habana, Homebush, and Marian were established between 1881 and 1885, then North Eton and Racecourse in 1888, Plane Creek began at Sarina in 1896 and in 1906 Cattle Creek Mill at Finch Hatton started operations.</p><br>
<p>Where crops were near the main railway line, cut cane was transported from field to mill via rail wagons. However, in cases where the crops and mills were remote from the railway, many mills established extensive tram networks for transporting harvested cane. The railway and tram networks continue to be used together with road transport.</p><br>
<p>From at least as early as the 1890s, cane lifts at tram or railway sidings were used to transfer bundles of cane onto rail or tram wagons. Cane was initially harvested as whole stalks by hand and, later, by whole stalk mechanical harvesters. The cane was cut close to the ground and then the top foliage was cut off. It was transported to the mill as whole stalks. A frequent practise was to lay temporary tramlines into the field so that tram wagons could be loaded with cut cane close to where the harvesting took place. Where this practise was not followed, the cane was loaded onto a horse-drawn wagon or motorised vehicle. This was done by hand until the introduction of mechanised loaders in the mid-20th century. The wagon or vehicle transported the cane to the nearest siding where the bundles of cane were transferred onto a tram or rail wagon using the cane lifts.</p><br>
<p>Many lifts were on private property, others on railway land at sidings. In many cases sugar mills paid for the construction of the lifts and cane farmers repaid the money at a predetermined cost per ton of cane sent to the mill.</p><br>
<p>The lifts took different forms. F W Bolton, the manager of Farleigh Mill, is credited with introducing the "traverser" type by 1891. This consisted of an overhead travelling winch which traversed a horizontal beam supported by two posts. The cane was laid flat on a sling in a dray which was driven under the winch. The winch was used to hoist the bundle of cane which was traversed about two metres and lowered into a tramway wagon parked next to the dray. The lift was praised at the time for greatly reducing loading times and enabling the cane to be packed more densely. Apparently this type of lift was widely adopted but there are no known examples extant in the Mackay area.</p><br>
<p>A similar configuration, possibly a modification of the traverser type, comprised two posts supporting a horizontal beam with a fixed pulley. These were predominantly used with tram wagons. As with the traverser the tram track passed under the horizontal beam. The wagon or truck containing the cane stalks was driven along the tram tracks to a position beneath the horizontal beam. The bundle of cane was hoisted, then the truck was driven out and its position taken by the tram wagon into which the cane was then lowered.</p><br>
<p>The Mount Martin lift is an example of the derrick type. This type featured a boom fixed by a pivoting coupling to the bottom of a mast. The boom was held in a diagonal attitude to the mast by hinged horizontal beam extending from the top of the mast to the end of the boom. The boom swung in an arc and the lifting hook was lowered from the end of the horizontal beam. A ladder was typically fitted to the mast to permit access to the top of the derrick for maintenance purposes. Ladders could be wooden rungs fastened directly to the side of the mast or complete ladders with steel rungs and side rails. Derrick type lifts were in use by 1893. They were used mostly to load cane into main line railway wagons.</p><br>
<p>Albert John Wellman Fudge, a carpenter, is credited by some with inventing the derrick type lift. Fudge was a British immigrant who moved to Mackay in the 1890s. It is claimed that Fudge built over one hundred cane lifts for most district mills. His work was said to have been carried on by Harry Penny until the introduction of chopper harvesters.</p><br>
<p>A variety of methods were used to power the hoist. It was common to use a horse hitched to a pole fixed to a rotating drum. This system was later adapted for use with a motor. From World War II, trucks were also used. Power was transferred via a set of rollers positioned in the ground so that they would engage with the wheels of the truck carrying the cane.</p><br>
<p>The Mount Martin lift was located close beside the railway branch line to Kungurri, opened in 1911. It was designed to transfer cut cane onto rail wagons. Several lifts originally existed at this location and a number of other derricks were erected at other sidings along the line. The extant lift dates to prior to 1939. In 1968, Marian Mill, the main user of the line, shifted to road transport because of the high cost of rail transport relative to road. This led to the closure of the branch line in 1970 and the lifting of the rails. A cane tramway presently runs along the old rail easement close to the lift.</p><br>
<p>Cane lifts became redundant after the widespread introduction of chopper mechanical harvesters. Mechanical harvesting was attempted with little real success from the late 19th century. The development of mechanical harvesters accelerated from World War II. The first harvesters cut the cane as whole stalks. This meant that the labour-intensive task of bundling whole cane stalks and loading them continued. From the early 1950s, mechanical loaders alleviated this problem to some extent.</p><br>
<p>The introduction of chopper harvesters solved the loading problem. These harvesters chop the cane stalks into short lengths or billets. The billets are ejected from the harvester directly into bins towed by motor vehicle alongside the harvester. The bins are towed to the rail siding where they are transferred onto tram or rail wagons. Alternatively, the billets are tipped into bins on the wagons. By the mid-1960s, chopper harvesters had almost completely superseded whole stalk harvesters. The extant cane lifts probably all predate this time and some could date to the late 19th century.</p><br>
<h2>Description</h2><br>
<p>The Mount Martin cane lift is situated at the locality of the same name on the southern side of the Mirani-Mt Ossa Road. Mount Martin is located 45 km west of Mackay. The lift is near a tram track in an area where there are extensive fields of sugar cane.</p><br>
<p>The lift stands between 7m and 8m high. Its main components are a single upright wooden mast, a wooden boom and a horizontal beam assembly. The horizontal beam assembly consists of two coupled timber beams. The boom is fixed via a hinged coupling to the bottom of the mast. The horizontal beam is fixed via a hinge to the top of the mast and the end of the boom, holding the boom in a diagonal attitude to the mast.</p><br>
<p>Pulley wheels are fixed to the horizontal beam assembly so that the wheels turn between the coupled wooden beams. A wheel is fitted to each end of the beam. Steel cable runs through the pulley wheels. A hook is suspended at the end of the cable. A steel ladder is fitted to the side of the mast and a safety rail runs almost the full length of the horizontal beam.</p><br>
<p>The lift is located in an open grassy paddock adjacent to a cane field.</p><br>
<h2>Heritage listing</h2><br>
<p>Mount Martin Cane Lift was listed on the Queensland Heritage Register on 5 February 2010 having satisfied the following criteria.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the evolution or pattern of Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>The Mount Martin cane lift is one of a group of lifts in the Mackay region, one of Queenslands oldest and most productive sugar cane growing areas. Historically, sugar has been one of the States most important agricultural commodities. The lifts are important in demonstrating the evolution of the industry in that they provide evidence of how harvested cane was transported before the introduction of mechanical chopper harvesters. Sugar cane was originally harvested and transported to mills as whole stalks. The lifts were used to hoist bundles of stalks into tram or train wagons. They became redundant after the universal adoption of chopper harvesters from the 1960s. The Mount Martin lift dates to before 1939.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the principal characteristics of a particular class of cultural places.</p><br>
<p>The Mount Martin cane lift is important in demonstrating the principal characteristics of its type. The lifts took two basic forms: a derrick with a swinging boom, and a horizontal beam supported by two upright posts. The lift at Mount Martin is a highly intact example of the derrick type and includes pulley wheels, cable, hook and access ladder. The ladder is a typical feature of this type of lift and was fitted to permit access to the top of the derrick for maintenance purposes.</p><br>
<p>Summit Lake  is located on Canyon Creek in the Chugach National Forest, Alaska, United States and is situated along the Seward Highway  10 mi north-northeast of Moose Pass and about 23 miles southwest of the Portage area of Anchorage. The lake is fed by Canyon Creek from the southwest and Tenderfoot Creek from the east. The lake empties into Canyon Creek on the northeast, which flows through Lower Summit Lake, into Six Mile Creek, and eventually into the Turnagain Arm of the Cook Inlet. </p><br>
<p>The Summit Lake Lodge is located just off the Seward Highway on the north shore of Summit Lake and the Tenderfoot Creek Campground is located directly south of the lodge, but on the east shore of the lake. A restoration of a former ski area has been proposed for the area as well, but has substantial obstacles that must be overcome before it can be rebuilt.</p><br>
<p>The lake has a natural population of both Dolly Varden and Lake trout, but is also stocked annually with fingerling Rainbow trout.</p><br>
<p>Summit Lake is a very small tarn  located above the tree line within the Hatcher Pass of the Talkeetna Mountains in Willow, Alaska, United States.</p><br>
<h2>Description</h2><br>
<p>The lake is located about 2,000 ft southwest of the summit of Hatcher Pass, about 2 miles southwest of the Independence Mine State Historic Park, and about 2,500 ft northwest of Hatch Peak. It is also about 26 mi west of main area of Willow and about 12 mi north of both Palmer and Wasilla. The lake is situated within (and is the namesake of) the Summit Lake Recreation Site The lake is fed directly by springs and snow fields and flows via a waterfall into beginning of Willow Creek. Willow Creek feeds into the Susitna River, which empties into the Cook Inlet of the Gulf of Alaska.</p><br>
<p>While lake is very small, it is still a very popular site for photography. In addition to the lake&#39;s very scenic views in the summer, the area is also a destination for hiking and paragliding. In winter, the area is also popular for backcountry winter sports and access to the area is maintained year-round. However, complete access through the pass (including access from Willow) is usually not possible until early July. The lake itself is accessed from the gravel road by a wide, but short and fairly rocky trail.</p><br>
<p>The Charles Spangenberg Farmstead is a historic farm in Woodbury, Minnesota, United States, established in 1869. The three oldest buildings, including an 1871 farmhouse, were listed together on the National Register of Historic Places in 1978 for having local significance in the theme of agriculture. The property was nominated for being one of Washington County&#39;s few remaining 19th-century farmsteads.</p><br>
<h2>Description</h2><br>
<p>Charles Spangenbergs farm originally constituted 160 acre. The farm buildings are clustered together on a 4 acre lot on top of a knoll. Only the three oldest buildings date to Spangenbergs occupancy: the farmhouse, a barn, and a granary. The house was constructed of limestone in 1871. It has three stories plus a walkout basement, having been built into a slope. At their base the walls are 24 in thick and taper to 18 in.</p><br>
<p>The two-story granary was constructed around 1875. A larger barn for the Spangenbergs&#39; horses and dairy cattle was built around 1887. Both are timber-framed structures with board-and-batten siding, on limestone foundations. The barn was also built into a slope, providing walk-in access both to the level for livestock and the level for hay storage.</p><br>
<p>Additional farm structures were constructed in the first half of the 20th century, including a chicken coop, ice house, wind-powered water pump, milk house, privy, and smoke house. As of 2015 a pump house built around 1925 and a steel silo constructed in 1940 still stood on the property.</p><br>
<h2>History</h2><br>
<p>Charles Spangenberg was an early pioneer of the Woodbury area and acquired title to 160 acre in 1869. With his brother Frederick he began building a house, quarrying limestone from bluffs overlooking the Mississippi River and hauling it with a team of horses and a stone-boat. Charles and his family lived in the house&#39;s foundation until construction was complete in 1871.</p><br>
<p>The Spangenbergs mostly grew potatoes and grain, the usual produce of the area&#39;s farms. The property remained in the family until 1901, when it was sold to the Czikalla family. They built a number of additional structures and shifted primarily to dairy farming.</p><br>
<p>The property stayed in the Czikalla family for over a century, changing hands for only the third time when it was put up for auction in 2008. The new owners have been gradually restoring the historic wing of the house, as well as expanding the Czikallas&#39; more recent additions.</p><br>
<p>The Verden Separate School is a historic school building at 315 East Ada Sipuel Avenue in Chickasha, Oklahoma. A modest wood-frame gable-roofed one-room district schoolhouse that now serves as a local museum, it was built about 1915 on a farm on the outskirts of Verden. It served as a school for Verden&#39;s African American students under the separate but equal doctrine, which in Oklahoma resulted in the mandated creation of "separate schools" for whichever racial group was in the minority in a given district or region. It was used as a school until 1935, when its student population was consolidated into the Chickasha schools. It was then used as a farm outbuilding until the early 2000s, when it was rescued from demolition, moved to its present location, and restored. It is the only known surviving separate school in Grady County, and one of a few left in southwestern Oklahoma.</p><br>
<p>The building was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 2005.</p><br>
<p>Sohmer and Company Piano Factory is a historic piano factory located in the Astoria neighborhood of Queens County, New York. It was built in 1886 by Sohmer & Co., and is a six-story, "L"-shaped, Rundbogenstil / Romanesque Revival style brick building. The corner features a clock tower with a copper trimmed mansard roof. The building was expanded about 1906-1907. It was converted to residential usage starting in 2007.</p><br>
<p>The building was designated as a New York City individual landmark in 2007 for its role in the history of New York City’s piano manufacturing industry. It was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 2014.</p><br>
<h2>History</h2><br>
<p>Hugo Sohmer - founder of Sohmer & Co. - relocated his manufacturing premises from 149 East 14th Street in 1886 after building a new land-mark building on the Astoria coast of East River. He had founded the company few years earlier together with his partner Joseph Kuder from Vienna, who was also a former Steinway and Sons employee. The new building of Sohmer & Co was designed by Berger & Baylies architecture firm. Entering in piano building business in NY in the end of 19th century was not a hard thing to do as there were many skilled emigrants coming from Europe (mostly Germany) and the demand for the instrument was growing fast. The building was expanded by Baylies & Co architecture firm in 1906-7. After 1924 years collapse of piano industry Sohmers production rates fell. In the time of Great Depression parts of the building were leased out to other manufacturers. However the company survived the Great Depression and maintained production in its Astoria factory till 1982 when the grand son of Hugo Sohmer sold the company to Pratt-Read company - producers of piano pieces and furniture. The plant was then relocated to Ivoryton, Connecticut, and the building sold to Adirondack Chair Company. Between 2007 and 2013, the building was converted for residential use with new penthouse additions above the sixth floor. Currently Sohmer pianos are produced in Korea.</p><br>
<h3>Piano building tradition in New York</h3><br>
<p>There were almost no pianos in the US until 1771 when Thomas Jefferson required a forte piano ordered to him from Europe. That triggered larger trend among wealthy Americans to purchase the instrument. In less than 10 years there were already few local piano manufacturers in Philadelphia and New York. However pianos remained rare instruments and as estimated in 1790s there were only 26 pianos in Boston all of which were made in London. In the first third of the 18th century Boston was leading American piano manufacturing center, but it was soon outraced by Philadelphia, nearly followed by New York. By the 1840s New York started to gain its national importance as center of culture and commerce. But only after the wave of German immigrants who arrived in 1850s the city became leading piano building center in America. The most notable German immigrant probably was Heinrich E. Steinweg (later he changed his name to Steinway and his name became the synonym to the instrument). Among them also Hugo Sohmer arrived in the US in 1863. In these years piano building took off in New York. Soon piano was the second most household appliance after kitchen.</p><br>
<p>In the turn of the century piano experienced boom age. It was an important household part of a middle class Americans. There was a widespread belief that it helped to "cultivate the women" of its age. Consequently, it was played by mostly females. In 1870 there were 1 piano in every 1540 Americans, but in 1910 there were already 1 piano in every 252 Americans. This shows the great development speed of the industry. New York was by far the greatest piano building center in the US with ~170 of total 270 US piano factories located there. However, by 1924 the industry fell apart mostly due wide spreading of much cheaper and smaller radios. Radio industry rose from around 190 000 in 1923 to almost 5 million in 1929. In the same time American piano industry shrank from 160 to 36. Nowadays there is only one major piano factory in NYC - Steinway and Sons and several antique piano restoration workshops.</p><br>
<h2>Architecture</h2><br>
<p>This building is one of the most prominent in the coast of Astoria on the East River. The building is specially distinguished by its mansard roofed clock tower over the top of its impressive scale. Designed by Berger & Baylies architecture firm this 6 story L-shaped factory building was a typical wealthy factory of New York&#39; s piano manufacturing scene. It is built in red bricks and designed in German Romanesque Revival Style or Rundbogenstil. Characteristic to this style was the usage of curved edges and surfaces on the roof. Thus segmentally-arched brick lintels. Band courses surmount the first, second and fifth floors.</p><br>
<p>This factory building is one of the few surviving factories in Queens. It represents many characteristics of 19th century factory building. typically to the age these principles were always rooted in functionality and practical needs. According to architecture historian Betsy Hunter Bradly "the aesthetic bases of American Industrial building design was an ideal of beauty based on function, utility and process".</p><br>
<p>Basic characteristics of Sohmer factory - its narrow width and L-shaped plan was due the need of natural light as the factory was built before the advent of electrical lightning. The need for good light for the interior dictated the narrow shape of the floor plan, but the land plot size did not let to build it in I shaped formation. thus L-shape was chosen. Often factory buildings were in I, L, U, H, E configurations. Flat roofs were also a practical need for a factory. They were mostly used after 1860s. It was due the fire safety. Flat roofs let to eliminate the attic space - a place that could get dusty and easily catch on fire. Bricks were used for factory walls because they were the most fire resistant material. Brick work decorations was a popular method of livening up large wall surfaces - displaying dogtoothing, recessed panels, channeling, pilasters, corbelling were among most popular forms of decorative brickwork.</p><br>
<p>Positioning the building on the edge of the street let the owners of the factory to preserve larger back side space away from public eyes, thus buildings well organized and regular facade was the only public face of the company. The physical aesthetics played important role in marketing the company. Factorys image was used on letterheads, catalogs, business directories and in advertisements. Typically they were birds eye views of the factory with smoke coming out of the chimneys thus rendering image of energy, dynamics and organization of the work.</p><br>
<p>The building&#39;s prominent location on the river front also served as an attraction of new customers. It was seen from long distances, even from across the East River. As the Sohmers were producing product for popular consumption it was important that his factory was seen by as many people as possible, thus this location served not only as a display for inhabitants of Manhattan, but also those who passed by on the boats. The building served excellent as an eye catcher because of its scale and proportions. But the most focal point of the building of course remained the clock tower elevating above the 2 wings of the factory. This clock tower remains the most significant feature of the building. It is also most elaborately decorated part of the building. Mansard roof with curved dome is covered with decorations expressing this as the most focal part of the building. From the corner side the building was seen the best thus architects have chosen to express this part of it the most. For factories usually most decorated parts were entrances and clock towers.</p><br>
<p>The clock towers had their roots in cupolas of New England Mills. Clocks organized the daily lives of local community. It was long before the affordable watch had made its first appearance, when need for strictly organized daily rhythm was established. By late nineteenth century clock was one of the main tool to organize the daily lives of New Yorkers. Living synchronized was becoming a necessity. They delivered this function to the network of public clock towers, factory whistles and bells. But clock tower was more than that. it was also a fire sealed staircase for factory that prevented the fires to spread vertically in the building. Thus tower was not only aesthetically most prominent place in the factory, but also most socially important and functional one.</p><br>
<h3>Rundbogenstil</h3><br>
<p>The Sohmer piano factory building is an excellent example of American interpretation on German Renaissance Revival Style. This style was developed in 1830s-40s. It combined elements of classical and German medieval architecture. Rounded arches and usage of bricks were most characteristic features of this style. In American version of this style (like Sohmers factory) many details were made more utilitarian and simplified - like window arches. They used corbelling and patterning of brick work to make facades mode diverse. For flat roofed factory buildings parapets were important detail that often varied in height and included pediments in order to bring more visual interest.</p><br>
<h3>Berger & Baylies</h3><br>
<p>The architecture firm in their short existence run by Bruno W. Berger and Franklin Baylies designed many commercial and residential buildings around New York. Bruno W. Berger had previously worked with several other partners, whereas Franklin Baylies had just started his career. The firm was established in the beginning of 1880s, but exact year is unknown. That includes several warehouses and store-and-loft buildings in Tribeca and around its historical district. Firm mostly designed in neo-Grec style, thus Rundbogenstil Sohmer piano factory building was unusual for them. However, it was their largest assignment. In 1890 both architects established their own practices and Berger & Baylies ceased to exist. It is believed that the extension of Sohmer factory in 1906-7 was assigned to Franklin Baylies&#39; firm.</p><br>
<p>Benevolent and Protective Order of Elks, Lodge Number 878, now known as New Life Fellowship Church, is a historic Elks lodge located in the Elmhurst neighborhood of Queens County, New York. The main building and annex were built in 1923-1924, and is a 3 1/2-story, Italian Renaissance style brick building. A three-story rear addition was added in 1930. The building features a granite-block terrace and granite balustrade, limestone arched entrance, and an elaborate terra cotta cornice. It was once was the largest such lodge in the Eastern United States, with 60 inn rooms, bowling alleys, billiards, a ladies&#39; lounge, and a 50 ft bar. In 2001, the Elks sold its main building to New Life Fellowship Church; it continues to meet in the annex as the Brooklyn Queens Borough Elks Lodge.</p><br>
<p>It was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 2014.</p><br>
<p>Pywiack Dome is a prominent 600 foot granite dome in Yosemite National Park, located 0.7 mi north-east of Tenaya Lake, 4 mi west of Tuolumne Meadows and 200 ft from the Tioga Road.</p><br>
<p>Josiah Whitney the head of California Geological Survey wrote in 1863 about Pywiack Dome in Geology:</p><br>
<h2>Climbing</h2><br>
<p>The west face of the formation is popular with rock climbers and has several multi-pitch slab climbs easily visible from the Tioga Road. Earliest was Dike Route a 6 pitch YDS 5.9R first climbed in August 1966 by Tom Gerughty, Roger Evje and Dave Meeks. Other popular climbs include Zee Tree (a 5 pitch YDS 5.7) and Aqua Knobby (a 4 pitch YDS 5.9)</p><br>
<h2>Etymology</h2><br>
<p>"Py-we-ack" in the native language means "glistening rocks", and the native people applied it to both the Tenaya Creek and Tenaya Lake, due to the abundance of glacial polish in the upper Tenaya basin. In 1932 the name "Pywiack" has applied to Pywiack Cascade. Pywiack Dome was known early by various names, including Murphy’s Dome, Teapot Dome, Matthes Dome, Ten-ieya Dome, and Turtle Rock. The name Pywiack Dome was recommended by David Brower in the early 1950s, and first appeared on the 1956 15-minute quadrangle map.</p><br>
<h2>Views</h2><br>
<p>Tuolumne Meadows - Pywiack Dome summit looking SW - 5.jpgSouth west panorama</p><br>
<p>Tuolumne Meadows - Pywiack Dome sumit looking NE - 1.jpgNorth east panorama</p><br>
<p>Springdale Farm is a historic farm property on Horseback Road in Burnham, Maine. The 100 acre farm property includes a virtually intact 1870s farm complex with a period connected farmhouse and barn. The property was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 2000.</p><br>
<h2>Description and history</h2><br>
<p>Springdale farm is located in eastern Burnham, a rural community in northwestern Waldo County. The farm&#39;s current size is 100 acre, down from a reported maximum of 600 acre, consisting of about 60 acre of cleared land, and the balance in woodland. The farm complex is located on the east side of Horseback Road, about 0.5 mi south of Troy Road. The connected complex is arrayed with the house at the southern end, with ells extending north to the barn. Secondary farm buildings stand north and east of the barn, and there is summer sleeping house south of the main house. The house has an Italianate exterior, with a bracketed entry hood, and bay windows with paneled corner boards and skirting. The interior of the main house has been completely modernized; the attached ell retains some 19th-century features.</p><br>
<p>The early settlement history of the property is uncertain; an 1859 map of the area shows a house standing, ownership attributed to C. Reynolds. The present house is stylistically from a later period, and was probably built about 1870, along with the barn. The barn is built of hand-hewn timbers, and is unusual for its purlin roof framing, which is not normally found on barns this large. The farm property remained in the hands of members of the Reynolds family until 1977.</p><br>
<p>The Simpsonville Stone Arch Bridge is a historic stone arch bridge, carrying Vermont Route 35 across Simpson Brook, north of the village of Townshend, Vermont. Built about 1909, it is one of a few surviving bridges in the region built by local mason James Otis Follett. It was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1977.</p><br>
<h2>Description and history</h2><br>
<p>The Simpsonville Bridge is located on Grafton Road (Vermont Route 35) about 2 mi north of the village of Townshend, spanning Simpson Brook just east of the junction with Simpson Brook Road. The bridge is built out of rough-cut and roughly-course granite blocks, now mortared with a variety of materials. The arch has a span of 18 ft and a height above the brook of about 6 ft. The stone portion of the structure has a total length of about 20 ft. The wing walls obscure portions of the arch, including its spandrels and abutments The bridge has been widened by the addition of steel culverts to both sides, further obscuring the original structure. The bridge is topped by a gravel base and paved roadway, and has a total width of 35 ft, including the culvert extensions.</p><br>
<p>This bridge is one of more than about 40 built in Towshend and other nearby communities by James Otis Follett, a local mason. Of thirteen bridges built by Follett in Townshend, only six survived when this bridge was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1977. Follett&#39;s entire opus is distinctive, as it was produced at a time when most bridges were built with iron and steel. This appears to have been one of the last he built before his death in 1911.</p><br>
<p>The Souder House is a historic commercial building located in Scaggsville, Maryland, Howard County, Maryland, now owned by the Howard County Government.</p><br>
<p>The building is two levels with stone veneer facing. The building is located on a former 250 acre slave plantation once owned by the Botterill Family, who the Howard County town of Botterill, Maryland are named after. It is inset in a graded fork of Old Scaggsville Road and All Saint&#39;s road, serving as the primary entrance to the mill town of Laurel, Maryland on the other side of the Patuxent River. A bridge served as the community link to the Avondale Mill and main street connecting to the historic B&O railroad stop. The building served as a bar, grocery store, fueling station, and hair saloon. Its last commercial owners were the Souder Construction Company. In December 2014, Howard County purchased the building for $325,000 holding a community meeting on its condition. In December 2015, the county held a meeting announcing its intention to demolish the building. The county did not publish a historical review, but claimed a historian had cleared the property because of its "mishmash" architecture.</p><br>
<p>Pindi Pindi Brickworks is a heritage-listed former brickworks off the Bruce Highway, Pindi Pindi, Mackay Region, Queensland, Australia. It was built in 1933. It is also known as Evans Firebricks Ltd and Pindi Pindi Firebricks Company. It was added to the Queensland Heritage Register on 27 October 2000.</p><br>
<h2>History</h2><br>
<p>The former Pindi Pindi Brickworks were established in 1933 for Edmund Evans.</p><br>
<p>The production of bricks on the site was related to the presence of coal at the Fleetwood Colliery, in the Whiptail Ranges, a source that was first commercially exploited in 1927-28. This colliery supplied the brickworks with coal following the opening of the Pindi Pindi site. Production of bricks was possible due to the high quality of clay in the area.</p><br>
<p>The brickworks were established by Edmund Evans, a resident of Dinmore, a bricklayer by trade with experience in brick manufacture. A local resident, W Adams, assisted him in investigating the site. Construction on the brickworks site, established to supply the North Queensland market, began in May 1933. The first production of bricks took place at the end of 1933.</p><br>
<p>Local shareholders in the Mackay area invested in the establishment of the works, with the brickworks trading under the name of Evans Firebricks Ltd. In 1934, the works employed 18 local workers, three of whom quarried the material at the clay pit and fifteen employed in the works environment. 78 000 bricks were produced during this time. Increasing demand for building bricks, as well as for firebricks, necessary for the sugar industry in North Queensland, saw the continued expansion of the brickworks.</p><br>
<p>In 1937 the company won a lucrative contract to supply refractory firebricks used in the construction of brick arches in locomotive firebricks for the Northern Division of Queensland Railways. It was the only local company capable of producing this material.</p><br>
<p>Following the replacement of Evans in 1938, Newbold Industries purchased the works, and Bill Gunthorpe was appointed as manager. Gunthorpe took up residence on site, living in a brick veneer dwelling, thought to be the first constructed in the area. This dwelling is currently separated from the brickworks site, situated on the Bruce Highway, across from the sheds. At this time, the works were renamed the Pindi Pindi Firebricks Company and continued to supply materials for the construction industry in North Queensland.</p><br>
<p>With the outbreak of World War II the works were forced to close, as a result of labour shortages and the loss of construction contracts in North Queensland. At the time, the threat to Australia from invasion was considered so real that machinery on site was buried to prevent it falling into the hands of the Japanese. At the end of 1947, the company closed, only to be reopened in 1949 by a local resident, Tony Giaiotti. Edmund Evans returned on site to act as an advisor to Giaiotti.</p><br>
<p>The bricks at Pindi Pindi were made by the semi-plastic method. A tramline ran from the clay and shale pit to the works. The clay was ground in the pan and then dropped into the brick press. The building bricks and fire bricks used the dry press method, however, bricks for fire arches in locomotive fireboxes had to be fashioned by hand.</p><br>
<p>Early bricks produced on site were stamped with EFB (Evans Fire Bricks). The original brick pan and press were from Fowlers in Sydney. The pug-mill (mud mixer) was designed by Evans. The single cylinder engine remaining on site was imported from England, and is thought to be still capable of operating.</p><br>
<p>Products from the works also found markets in other parts of Queensland, firebricks being used at the Mount Isa smelters as well as at Ipswich. Labour shortages continued to afflict the works at this time, and during the sugar crushing season, the works closed entirely.</p><br>
<p>During the 1950s, the brickworks changed hands three times, being sold in 1951 to George Fattseas of Mackay. In 1955, Bitkin and Machen purchased the site, but closed the works in 1958. A local Mackay builder, Alan Porter, purchased the works in 1961, reopening them and continued in ownership until 1977. The Pindi Pindi works closed in 1977 with the brickworks being relocated to a new site at Glenalla Road, Mackay. At the time of closure, most of the machinery was moved to the new works; however, the kilns, brick pan and press and single cylinder engine (Ruston Hornsby) remain on site.</p><br>
<p>Bricks from the former Pindi Pindi Brickworks were used to construct the Mackay Central State School (formerly the Mackay Intermediate School), Mackay Court House and Mackay Technical College. The brickworks are no longer in operation.</p><br>
<h2>Description</h2><br>
<p>The former Pindi Pindi Brickworks site is bounded by Blackrock Creek to the south and the Bruce Highway and railway line to the west. At present, the former Pindi Pindi Bricworks site includes the remnants of the kilns, the brick chimney stacks and the brick-floored "storage area".</p><br>
<p>Evidence of the clay and shale pit quarrying operation is still present, and now shares the boundary with another property on the eastern side of the allotment. The original processing area is still visible, with the floor being constructed of bricks produced at the works. Original wooden supports, roof beams and trusses also remain, along with corrugated iron roofing. The majority of the walls are open and the roofed area has dirt floors.</p><br>
<p>Two brick kilns, with chimneys, remain. Located at the base of the kilns are a number of openings with arched brick lintels. The original clay conveyor belt and pan are also present under the covered works area. Two small, brick offices remain in the western corner of the site as does a single storey brick house. The house is located near the river at the southern end of the property.</p><br>
<h2>Heritage listing</h2><br>
<p>The former Pindi Pindi Brickworks was listed on the Queensland Heritage Register on 27 October 2000 having satisfied the following criteria.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the evolution or pattern of Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>The former Pindi Pindi Brickworks, established in 1933, is important as an industrial in North Queensland, demonstrating industrial processes of the inter-war period. The establishment of the Brickworks resulted from the demand for the supply of building materials in North Queensland, as well as being the source of production for the supply of firebricks for the local sugar milling industry. It was the first brickworks to be established outside Brisbane capable of producing refactory firebricks, supplying these by contract to Queensland Railways.</p><br>
<p>The place demonstrates rare, uncommon or endangered aspects of Queensland&#39;s cultural heritage.</p><br>
<p>The site demonstrates a rare aspect of Queensland&#39;s history as the brickworks chimney stacks at the Pindi Pindi site are among the last remaining stacks in the district.</p><br>
<p>The place has potential to yield information that will contribute to an understanding of Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>As an industrial archaeological site, the former Pindi Pindi Brickworks has the potential to reveal information which could contribute to an understanding of Queensland&#39;s heritage, providing more information on the manufacture of bricks in North Queensland.</p><br>
<p>The place is important because of its aesthetic significance.</p><br>
<p>The former Pindi Pindi Brickworks is significant for the landmark qualities of the chimney stacks.</p><br>
<p>The place has a strong or special association with a particular community or cultural group for social, cultural or spiritual reasons.</p><br>
<p>The bricks produced at the former Pindi Pindi Brickworks are associated with the development of the character and fabric of North Queensland, particularly in the Mackay area.</p><br>
<p>Ta&#39; Ċieda Tower, also known as San Ġwann Roman Tower, is a Punic-Roman tower in San Ġwann, Malta. The exact origins of the tower could date back to pre-history with different architecture. It is argued that the tower could be of Punic origins rather than Roman but the latter have adapted it. The site of the tower was used as a cemetery, or more, during the Muslim caliphate in the medieval times. Following the expulsion of the Muslims in Malta a church dedicated to St. Helen was built on the site.</p><br>
<p>Today roughly one-third of the tower still stands and is neglected. The tower is one of a chain of towers that were built at their time, probably designed to aid each other from invasion coming from the sea. Eight coastal towers are believed to have existed in Malta and none on the nearby island of Gozo; six of which are known as the Punic-Roman towers.</p><br>
<h2>Name</h2><br>
<p>The name Ta&#39; Cieda was given in the medieval ages by Christians of which origins is from the devotion to St Helen.</p><br>
<h2>History</h2><br>
<h3>Pre-historic origin</h3><br>
<p>The area of San Ġwann has been inhabited since pre-historic times and evidence of this are the cart ruts in San Ġwann situated not far from the tower. Excavation have suggested that the tower may have pre-historic origins but archaeologists believe that some rocks may have had adaptive reuse. Indeed, the round shape tower suggest that it was built sometimes later as other pre-historic fortification in Malta show different construction of pre-historic defense. A Neolithic/Bronze structure has also been found close by at Wied Ghomor (Ghomor Valley).</p><br>
<h3>Punic and Roman</h3><br>
<p>In 1915 archeologist Thomas Ashbey said that the tower is of Phoenician origins. The tower is generally believed to be a Roman tower, hence the references as San Gwann Roman Tower or Ta Cieda Roman Tower or Ta Cieda Round Tower. Archeologists, such as Professor A. Bonanno, argue that speaking on the context of the time it is more likely that the tower was built during the Punic period rather than the Roman period as attack were less likely during the latter. Round tower designs were already established at the time of the Punic period. Indeed, historians hold that the Maltese archipelago in the third century was at the aim of Carthage and the Romans by invading the native Punic civilisation. Despite these plausible arguments it is also argued that the tower may have been built by the Punic people and then embellished by the Romans. From the findings it is also suggested that the Romans may have built it in the form of a folly to overlook the plantation of the olive trees which originate in the area since Roman times. Even if so it is not clearly known as no Roman villas were ever recorded to exist in the area, but Romans did rule the islands for a long period. For instance Roman villas and Roman buildings were excavated near other Roman towers in the south of Malta such as in Hal Safi and Żurrieq, and as a chain of towers working together this may be also a plausible argument.</p><br>
<p>In 1960 Doctor David Trump has brought to the attention of a Roman cistern not far from the tower. This structure is historically important as the use of cement, that at times is thought to be a modern use, was used by the Romans that does not date to the Punics. This concludes that the origins of the tower is Punic but that the tower was readopted by the Romans. Roman pottery was unearthed and Roman tombs have been excavated and documented. It has been said that the tower "may have served as a centre point around which one of Malta&#39;s more important mediaeval settlements had developed out of late Roman economic activity in the area".</p><br>
<h3>Muslim period</h3><br>
<p>During the Muslim period the area at the tower is known to have at least been used as an Islamic cemetery, one of the early Islamic cemeteries in Malta. The reuse of former building by the Arabs was common as it facilitated effort from cutting rock. Some Punic and Roman building have been discovered to be reused in Malta during the Islamic caliphate, this could have possibly included the Ta Cieda Tower. On site of the tower there were burial ground dating to the Arab period but these stone slabs and other evident Islamic symbol on the islands were eradicated after the expulsion of the Muslims from the lands. However several names of areas in San Gwann are still carrying Arab names. Some of the Muslim burial stones are believed to be found at the saracenic burials in Rabat. Some of the saracenic burial remains are still at present place at the Ta Cieda Tower.</p><br>
<h3>Christian period</h3><br>
<p>The Islamic cemetery have almost completely disappeared from the site of the tower after the Christian came again to rule the islands. It is documented that close by the Ta Cieda Tower a church dedicated to St. Helen was built. This church is important in the Roman Catholic Churchs history in Malta as it was the first parish church to be built for the parish of Birkirkara. It is to note that back then, when the parish church was built, the San Gwann lands were all (or most of) part of Birkirkara. The church was named as St. Helen Church, also known as Capella di Birchirchara, built before 1402 and was abandoned in the late 14th century of which no traces remain. The title of the parish church of Birkirkara was transferred to the Old Church, namely the Santa Maria Church in Mriehel, Birkirkara. Today Birkirkaras parish church is also dedicated to St. Helen as St Helens Basilica.</p><br>
<h2>Modern</h2><br>
<p>The remaining base of the Ta&#39; Ċieda Tower today is in a dilapidated state and subject to further deterioration due to vandalism and the growth of vegetation. It is located in Triq il-Baruza (Il-Baruza Street) surrounded by modern housing estates.</p><br>
<h3>Heritage</h3><br>
<p>The tower has been on a list of protected antiques of the Malta Environment and Planning Authority (MEPA) since 1932 with amendments in 1935 and 1939, when the area used to be part of St. Julian&#39;s. The San Gwann Local Council has successfully managed to schedule the tower as a national monument (together with other remains), by the Malta Environment and Planning Authority (MEPA), but has failed in addressing its preservation. The site have been an issue of development but because of the protection of the tower this was not permitted. Some of the remains have been used to build rubbles walls on site and the vicinity.</p><br>
<p>Sarina War Memorial is a heritage-listed memorial at Broad Street, Sarina, Mackay Region, Queensland, Australia. It was built in 1919 by Melrose and Fenwick. It was added to the Queensland Heritage Register on 5 December 1997.</p><br>
<h2>History</h2><br>
<p>The Sarina War Memorial was erected for the ANZAC Day (25 April) ceremonies of 1919 and was produced by Melrose and Fenwick, monumental masons of Townsville. Funds for the memorial were raised by public subscription. The memorial honours the local men of Sarina and the surrounding district who served in the First World War. The memorial was unveiled on 2 October 1920 by Mrs Lucy Ada Heron, mother of Private Leslie Lionel Heron, killed in action on 7 August 1916.</p><br>
<p>The town of Sarina is located 35 kilometres south of Mackay and was originally established as a pastoral holding. In the early 1880s, the area was thrown open for selection as sugar cane fields and flourished following the construction of the Plane Creek Sugar Mill in 1896. A supporting infrastructure of schools, theatres and halls was established, as well as residences for both workers and management. The town and mill serviced the southern part of the region and by the 1930s Sarina was the second largest town in the region. It continues to exist as a secondary centre to Mackay.</p><br>
<p>Up until the early twentieth century, there were few statues or monuments in Queensland. However, as a result of the First World War (1914 - 1918), memorials were erected in almost every Queensland town. Such public expression of both grief for the dead and pride in the nation has not been generated by previous or subsequent wars.</p><br>
<p>The First World War had an immense impact on the Australian population. Of those who went to war, almost one in five did not return. It was common for families to lose more than one son and for small communities to lose a whole generation of men.</p><br>
<p>In 1916 the British Government prohibited the exhumation and return of bodies. This, coupled with the impracticality of visiting distant graves ensured war memorials became an expression of public mourning, revered as cenotaphs (literally meaning empty tomb) by those who erected them. Placed at prominent locations, they became symbols of remembrance and were considered to be as sacred as grave sites. As such, materials, design principles and symbols suggesting permanence, reverence and commemoration were important elements.</p><br>
<p>Queenslanders were at the forefront of sustaining public expression. In 1916 they were the first state to establish ANZAC Day as a day of remembrance, encouraging other states to join them in making April 25 a day of national commemoration.</p><br>
<p>It was expected that this tradition would be continued by future generations and that the memorials themselves would be honoured and respected. However it is apparent from the evidence of vandalism and alterations to memorials throughout the state that this has not always been the case.</p><br>
<p>The memorials are important, not only in terms of what they represent, but also for what they record. In addition to listing the local men who served and fell in the First World War, many memorials also display details regarding unveiling ceremonies and fund-raising committees, making them invaluable as social and historical documents. They are even more valuable when it is considered that all other documentary records of those who served in the First World War are listed either alphabetically or by military units, making it virtually impossible to determine the original locality of a specific serviceman. The memorials are therefore the only readily accessible records of the origins of the men who served and fell.</p><br>
<p>Although there are many different types of memorials in Queensland, the digger statue is the most common. It was the most popular choice of communities responsible for erecting the memorials, embodying the ANZAC spirit and representing the qualities of the ideal Australian: loyalty, courage, youth, innocence and masculinity The digger was a phenomenon peculiar to Queensland, perhaps due to the fact that other states had followed Britain&#39;s lead and established Advisory Boards made up of architects and artists, prior to the erection of war memorials The digger statue was not highly regarded by artists and architects who were involved in the design of relatively few Queensland memorials.</p><br>
<p>Most statues were constructed by local masonry firms, although some were by artists or imported. They varied slightly in design, presumably to suit the needs of the communities who commissioned them.</p><br>
<p>Melrose and Fenwick, the makers of the Sarina memorial, were a monumental masonry firm established in Townsville in They were a large firm with branches throughout Northern Queensland, and provided many war memorials to that area. They enjoyed continued success into the late 20th century, with the business closing in the early 1980s.</p><br>
<h2>Description</h2><br>
<p>The First World War Memorial is situated in a central median strip facing west.</p><br>
<p>The memorial comprises a pedestal surmounted by a digger statue and is surrounded by two fences. The first fence is located on the pad on which the memorial sits and comprises picked stone bollards, square in plan, and linked by metal rails. Another fence of short circular metal posts linked by a metal chain is located beyond this, forming a protective boundary around the memorial.</p><br>
<p>The memorial itself sits on a stepped base of five tiers which vary in size, the last two having chamfered tops Surmounting this is the pedestal itself, comprising a plinth capped with cyma recta mouldings and a dado. Both the plinth and the dado have marble plaques attached with lists of the fallen on the dado, and commemorative verses on the plinth. The dado is capped by a substantial cornice of cyma recta mouldings, on top of which stands the digger statue.</p><br>
<p>The soldier statue stands with his head slightly bowed and hands crossed over a rifle which is in the reversed positioned and resting on his left boot. A tree stump is located behind the statue for support.</p><br>
<h2>Heritage listing</h2><br>
<p>Sarina War Memorial was listed on the Queensland Heritage Register on 5 December 1997 having satisfied the following criteria.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the evolution or pattern of Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>War Memorials are important in demonstrating the pattern of Queensland&#39;s history as they are representative of a recurrent theme that involved most communities throughout the state. They provide evidence of an era of widespread Australian patriotism and nationalism, particularly during and following the First World War.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the principal characteristics of a particular class of cultural places.</p><br>
<p>The monuments manifest a unique documentary record and are demonstrative of popular taste in the inter-war period.</p><br>
<p>The memorial at Sarina demonstrates the principal characteristics of a commemorative structure erected as an enduring record of a major historical event. This is achieved through the appropriate use of various symbolic elements including the digger statue, lists of the fallen and commemorative phrases. As a digger statue it is representative of the most popular form of memorial in Queensland.</p><br>
<p>The place is important because of its aesthetic significance.</p><br>
<p>The memorial and its setting are a landmark within Sarina and contribute to the aesthetic qualities of the streetscape. The memorial is of aesthetic significance for its high degree of workmanship and design.</p><br>
<p>The place has a strong or special association with a particular community or cultural group for social, cultural or spiritual reasons.</p><br>
<p>It has a strong and continuing association with the community as evidence of the impact of a major historic event and as the focal point for the remembrance of that event.</p><br>
<p>The place has a special association with the life or work of a particular person, group or organisation of importance in Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>It also has special association with the Townsville monumental masons, Melrose and Fenwick.</p><br>
<p>The Leap Cane Lift is a heritage-listed piece of agricultural equipment at Bruce Highway, The Leap, Mackay Region, Queensland, Australia. It was built before the 1960s. It was added to the Queensland Heritage Register on 5 February 2010.</p><br>
<h2>History</h2><br>
<p>The Leap cane lift is situated near the locality of the same name in a rural area west of the city of Mackay. Mackay is the regional centre of one of Queenslands main sugar cane growing areas. One of the top two sugar producing regions in the state, it produces about a third of the sugar in Queensland. Sugar cane is a major crop in Queensland; the state produces most of the nations sugar. The cane lifts formed part of the process of transporting bundled whole stalks of harvested sugar cane from the farms to the mill. They were rendered obsolete by the universal adoption of "chopper" harvesters from the 1960s.</p><br>
<p>Sugar cane was first introduced to Australia in 1788 with the arrival of the First Fleet. In 1821, Port Macquarie under the command of Captain Allman became Australias first cane-growing area. In Queensland, the successful cultivation of sugar cane was established in 1864 at Redland Bay by Captain Louis Hope who erected Queenslands first sugar-crushing mill on the banks of Hilliard&#39;s Creek (now Ormiston) about 25 km south-east of Brisbane.</p><br>
<p>Cane growing was tried at Bowen in the Whitsunday Region in 1864 but continued there only until 1869, when it became clear that the climate was too dry. In the Pioneer Valley the first grower in the Mackay region was John Spiller. He arrived in Mackay in 1865 as a would-be squatter without capital but with cane brought from Java which he planted on the north bank of the Pioneer River. In June 1867 he produced the first sugar in the region.</p><br>
<p>The incipient cane growing industry was given impetus in 1864 with the enactment of the Sugar and Coffee Regulations, introduced by the government to encourage northern settlement. This enabled lessees to obtain plots of up to 1,280 acres (about 518ha) at a reasonable cost. Spiller and John Crees selected two blocks that became the Pioneer Plantation and built a primitive mill. T H Fitzgerald began a commercial plantation, Alexandra, in 1866 and with J Ewen Davidson set up a steam-powered mill that produced 110 tons (about 100 tonnes) of sugar in 1868. With these facilities a sugar boom began: small growers brought their cane for crushing to the Alexandra mill and acreage under cane expanded rapidly. Cane growers pushed back the graziers and by 1870 five mills were established.</p><br>
<p>By 1872 Mackay mills produced 40 per cent of the total Queensland sugar production and 37 per cent of its rum. Seventeen mills were established along the Pioneer River before 1875, most in 1872 and 1873. Another 12 including Farleigh, Habana, Homebush, and Marian were established between 1881 and 1885, then North Eton and Racecourse in 1888, Plane Creek began at Sarina in 1896 and in 1906 Cattle Creek Mill at Finch Hatton started operations.</p><br>
<p>Where crops were near the main railway line, cut cane was transported from field to mill via rail wagons. However, in cases where the crops and mills were remote from the railway, many mills established extensive tram networks for transporting harvested cane. The railway and tram networks continue to be used together with road transport.</p><br>
<p>From at least as early as the 1890s, cane lifts at tram or railway sidings were used to transfer bundles of cane onto rail or tram wagons. Cane was initially harvested as whole stalks by hand and, later, by wholestalk mechanical harvesters. The cane was cut close to the ground and then the top foliage was cut off. It was transported to the mill as whole stalks. A frequent practise was to lay temporary tramlines into the field so that tram wagons could be loaded with cut cane close to where the harvesting took place. Where this practise was not followed, the cane was loaded onto a horse-drawn wagon or motorised vehicle. This was done by hand until the introduction of mechanised loaders in the mid-20th century. The wagon or vehicle transported the cane to the nearest siding where the bundles of cane were transferred onto a tram or rail wagon using the cane lifts.</p><br>
<p>Many lifts were on private property, others on railway land at sidings. In many cases sugar mills paid for the construction of the lifts and cane farmers repaid the money at a predetermined cost per ton of cane sent to the mill.</p><br>
<p>The lifts took different forms. F W Bolton, the manager of Farleigh Mill, is credited with introducing the "traverser" type by 1891. This consisted of an overhead travelling winch which traversed a horizontal beam supported by two posts. The cane was laid flat on a sling in a dray which was driven under the winch. The winch was used to hoist the bundle of cane which was traversed about two metres and lowered into a tramway wagon parked next to the dray. The lift was praised at the time for greatly reducing loading times and enabling the cane to be packed more densely. Apparently this type of lift was widely adopted but there are no known examples extant in the Mackay area.</p><br>
<p>A similar configuration, possibly a modification of the traverser type, comprised two posts supporting a horizontal beam with a fixed pulley. These were predominantly used with tram wagons. As with the traverser the tram track passed under the horizontal beam. The wagon or truck containing the cane stalks was driven along the tram tracks to a position beneath the horizontal beam. The bundle of cane was hoisted, then the truck was driven out and its position taken by the tram wagon into which the cane was then lowered.</p><br>
<p>A third or "derrick" type consisted of a boom fixed by a pivoting coupling to the bottom of a mast. It was held in a diagonal attitude to the mast by a hinged horizontal beam extending from the top of the mast to the end of the boom. The boom swung in an arc and the lifting hook was lowered from the end of the horizontal beam. Derrick type lifts were in use by 1893. They were used mostly to load cane into main line railway wagons.</p><br>
<p>Albert John Wellman Fudge, a carpenter, is credited by some with inventing the derrick type lift. Fudge was a British immigrant who moved to Mackay in the 1890s. It is claimed that Fudge built over one hundred cane lifts for most district mills. His work was said to have been carried on by Harry Penny until the introduction of chopper harvesters.</p><br>
<p>A variety of methods were used to power the hoist. It was common to use a horse hitched to a pole fixed to a rotating drum. This system was later adapted for use with a motor. From World War II, trucks were also used. Power was transferred via a set of rollers positioned in the ground so that they would engage with the wheels of the truck carrying the cane.</p><br>
<p>The Leap cane lift is associated with the extensive tramway built to serve Farleigh Sugar Mill. The section of tramway from Farleigh to The Leap was built during Bolton&#39;s tenure as manager. Bolton announced the proposed construction on February 9, 1893 at a meeting of local growers at The Leap hotel. At this meeting, he promised to erect traverser type cane lifts at the end of the line. The extant lift is configured in a similar way to a traverser type, comprising a horizontal beam supported by two posts. However, the pulley is fixed, not traversing. The hoist winch is extant and it may have been powered by an electric motor.</p><br>
<p>Cane lifts became redundant after the widespread introduction of chopper mechanical harvesters. Mechanical harvesting was attempted with little real success from the late 19th century. The development of mechanical harvesters accelerated from World War II. The first harvesters cut the cane as whole stalks. This meant that the labour-intensive task of bundling whole cane stalks and loading them continued. From the early 1950s, mechanical loaders alleviated this problem to some extent.</p><br>
<p>The introduction of chopper harvesters solved the loading problem. These harvesters chop the cane stalks into short lengths or billets. The billets are ejected from the harvester directly into bins towed by motor vehicle alongside the harvester. The bins are towed to the rail siding where they are transferred onto tram or rail wagons. Alternatively, the billets are tipped into bins on the wagons. By the mid-1960s, chopper harvesters had almost completely superseded wholestalk harvesters. The extant cane lifts probably all predate this time and some could date to the late 19th century.</p><br>
<h2>Description</h2><br>
<p>The Leap cane lift is in the road reserve on the north side of the Bruce Highway about 20 km north west of Mackay. It stands between a ditch adjacent to the southern side and a tramline a short distance to the north.</p><br>
<p>Standing between 7m and 9m high, it comprises two upright timber poles supporting a horizontal cross piece. The cross piece comprises double wooden beams fastened either side of the top of each upright. Diagonal wooden braces are fixed to each end of the cross piece.</p><br>
<p>Pulley wheels are fixed to the top of the cross piece so that the wheels turn between the two beams. Two wheels are fitted to the centre of the cross piece and a single wheel at the southern end. Steel cable runs through the pulley wheels. A hook is suspended at the end of the cable.</p><br>
<p>The other end of the cable is attached to a geared steel winch near the southern leg of the lift. A long handle extending from the side may be for a brake or a clutch mechanism. A stake next to the southern leg has an electrical insulator fitted to it.</p><br>
<p>The lift is located in an area where there are extensive fields of sugar cane. The road reserve which forms the setting of the lift comprises a wide strip of mown grass. There is a patch of dense bush located to the east of the lift.</p><br>
<h2>Heritage listing</h2><br>
<p>The Leap Cane Lift was listed on the Queensland Heritage Register on 5 February 2010 having satisfied the following criteria.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the evolution or pattern of Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>The Leap cane lift is one of a group of lifts in the Mackay region, one of Queenslands oldest and most productive sugar cane growing areas. Historically, sugar has been one of the States most important agricultural commodities. The lifts are important in demonstrating the evolution of the industry in that they provide evidence of how harvested cane was transported before the introduction of mechanical chopper harvesters. Sugar cane was originally harvested and transported to mills as whole stalks. The lifts were used to hoist bundles of stalks into tram or train wagons. They became redundant after the universal adoption of chopper harvesters from the 1960s. Cane lifts were used at The Leap from the 1890s.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the principal characteristics of a particular class of cultural places.</p><br>
<p>The Leap cane lift is important in demonstrating the principal characteristics of its type. The lifts took two basic forms: a derrick with a swinging boom, and a horizontal beam supported by two upright posts. The lift at The Leap is a highly intact example of the latter type and includes pulley wheels, cable, hook and winch. Its location near a cane tramway reflects the predominate use of this type of lift for loading tram wagons. The derrick type was used predominately for loading main line railway wagons.</p><br>
<p>Greenmount Homestead is a heritage-listed homestead at Greenmount Road, Walkerston, Mackay Region, Queensland, Australia. It was designed by William Sykes and built in 1915 by Arthur Carter & Co. It was added to the Queensland Heritage Register on 6 September 1993.</p><br>
<h2>History</h2><br>
<p>Greenmount Homestead was erected in 1915 for Albert and Vida Cook. Albert Alfred Cook was the son of Kennedy district pioneer John Cook, who took up Balnagowan Station on the northern side of the Pioneer River in 1862. Greenmount Station, on the southern side of the Pioneer River, was taken up in 1861 by John Mackay, the first European settler in the district. In 1864 Mackay forfeited ownership of the lease, and the property passed through a number of owners and resumptions until acquired in 1914 by Vida Althea Cook.</p><br>
<p>Despite having erected a new homestead at Balnagowan in 1908, which was extended in 1912, the Cooks chose to make their home at Greenmount. In 1914-15 Mackay architect William Sykes prepared the designs for Greenmount Homestead, modifying substantially Albert Cooks rough plans for modelling the new building on the second Balnagowan. The house was erected in July–December 1915 by local Walkerston contractors Arthur Carter & Co., on land overlooking the Cook family companys Pleystowe sugar mill. The fireplace and mantelpiece from the second Balnagowan were removed to Greenmount.</p><br>
<p>Most of the outbuildings and structures associated with the running of the homestead were erected in 1915: the cattle dip and yards, house well, tank stand, gas house, and septic tank; the motor buggy house at Balnagowan was dismantled and re-erected at Greenmount as a workman&#39;s hut; similarly, another motor house and box shed from Balnagowan became a garage at Greenmount. Early in 1916 a motor house was constructed using timber and iron from Balnagowan, a wash house was erected, and the Balnagowan bush house was removed to Greenmount. This was replaced in 1928, and re-built in 1988.</p><br>
<p>In mid-1918 a dray shed was erected from storm-damaged structures at Balnagowan; the passage connecting the bathroom to the main house was enclosed, as was the kitchen verandah on the southern side; and a schoolroom, constructed of timber and iron from dismantled Balnagowan buildings, was erected between the garage and gas house on the southern side of the house. This was removed in 1954 to a ridge near the cattle yards and used as married quarters. An electricity generator was installed in 1925, and in the following year a workshop and skillion were erected.</p><br>
<p>The house has been altered little since the 1920s. In the 1950s the western verandah and part of the front verandah were glazed and a bathroom added, and flywire screens were placed on the remaining verandahs. The roof and guttering were replaced in 1988.</p><br>
<p>At Greenmount, the Cooks established one of Queenslands first Aberdeen-Angus studs. This breed had been introduced in Australia, but by the 1880s, numbered little more than 1,000 head in Queensland, which was then the largest beef producer in the Australian colonies. In the 1910s, Queensland cattle breeders were reassessing the beef and milk production values of the Aberdeen-Angus, and Albert Cook was amongst this vanguard. Following Alberts death in 1948 his son Thomas took over the management of Greenmount, and in the 1950s introduced Brahmans and Brahman crossbreeds to the Greenmount stud.</p><br>
<p>Following Thomas Cooks death in 1981, the homestead on 11.3 hectares, together with three generations of the Cook familys furniture and effects, was given by his widow to the Pioneer Shire Council (now the Mackay Regional Council), which leases the property to the Mackay Historical Society as a museum. The grounds, maintained by the society as the Tom and Dorothy Cook Memorial Park, include a fig tree (Ficus sp.) believed to have been planted by John Mackay in 1862.</p><br>
<p>Several small timber buildings have been moved onto the site since its lease to the Mackay Historical Society: the old Walkerston railway station, and two former single men&#39;s barracks from the Marian sugar mill, in 1991. These do not form part of the listing in the Queensland Heritage Register.</p><br>
<h2>Description</h2><br>
<p>Greenmount Homestead, consisting of the main house and various outbuildings, is situated on an easterly slope with a ridge to the southwest. The site, one of the few elevated sites in the area, overlooks canefields and contains a formal garden to the north, a dam to the east and mature trees.</p><br>
<p>The main house is a single-storeyed timber building with a corrugated iron gambrel roof with projecting gables. The building is encircled by verandahs with lower skillion roofs which connect a kitchen house on the southwest and an office on the southeast, both with corrugated iron hipped roofs. The building has timber stumps with timber slab and woven sheet infill.</p><br>
<p>The north elevation is symmetrical with a central projecting gabled entry porch with twin side stair, recessed seat and timber louvres. The gable has shingle cladding and a lower awning supported by deep, curved timber brackets. The verandahs have crossbraced railing, timber posts and brackets and raked, lined ceilings. The verandahs have been enclosed, with the south and east having sash and casement windows, and the remaining verandahs having flywire. The kitchen house and office buildings are clad in corrugated iron and have metal window hoods.</p><br>
<p>French doors with fanlights open onto the verandahs, and the recessed main entry has a timber panelled door with leadlight glass inserts, sidelights and fanlight. An etched glass panel in the door has the inscription GREENMOUNT. The floorplan consists of bedrooms to the east and west, a drawing room on the north with a large bay window and a large dining room on the south. An ensuite has been built on the west verandah.</p><br>
<p>Internally, the building has ornate pressed metal ceilings, single skin tongue and groove timber walls, timber batten arches, sash windows and fanlights above internal doors. The building houses original furniture, fittings and artefacts which belonged to the Cook family.</p><br>
<p>The formal garden to the north of the building comprises a circular drive and lawn enclosed by hedges and palms. A fernery is located to the west of the building. An avenue of mango (Mangifera indica) trees, lining the original drive way, is located to the south of the building and continues onto the adjoining property. Large figs (Ficus sp.) are located around the site which is currently accessed from the northwest.</p><br>
<p>Outbuildings include; hipped roofed, corrugated iron clad blacksmith&#39;s workshop, laundry/outside shower and a lighting plant shed to the south, sulky shed and garage to the southeast; a skillion roofed, corrugated iron clad staff shed with an ant bed floor to the south; a gabled roof, asbestos cement sheeted seed house to the west; and the timber and iron Balnagowan kitchen/schoolhouse and a cattle dip which are on an adjoining property to the southwest. Other structures include a kennel, chicken coop and tank stands. These buildings also contain much of the original machinery and fixtures.</p><br>
<p>Buildings and machinery recently moved to the site, and not part of the original homestead complex, include two small timber buildings, a gabled roof timber railway station located to the northeast and various farming machinery.</p><br>
<h2>Heritage listing</h2><br>
<p>Greenmount Homestead was listed on the Queensland Heritage Register on 6 September 1993 having satisfied the following criteria.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the evolution or pattern of Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>Greenmount Homestead at Walkerston demonstrates a now uncommon aspect of Queensland&#39;s cultural heritage, as the main house and its associated outbuildings and structures, and the formal garden, furniture and personal effects, form a cohesive and intact grouping which together demonstrate a way of life no longer common. The house, together with the large group of associated outbuildings and structures and the formal garden, and the physical arrangement of these elements, are important in demonstrating the principal characteristics of an early 20th century Queensland homestead complex. The place is important in exhibiting a range of aesthetic characteristics valued by the local community, in particular the landmark contribution of the buildings and grounds, through form, scale and siting; the quality and intactness of the interiors, including early fixtures and furnishings; and the landscaping, including the substantially intact formal garden. It has a strong association with the local community, which perceives the place as an historically significant element in the Mackay/Walkerston cultural landscape. It has a special association with the Cook family and their contribution to the development of the Mackay region and to the growth of the sugar and cattle breeding industries in Queensland over more than 120 years.</p><br>
<p>The place demonstrates rare, uncommon or endangered aspects of Queensland&#39;s cultural heritage.</p><br>
<p>Greenmount Homestead at Walkerston demonstrates a now uncommon aspect of Queensland&#39;s cultural heritage, as the main house and its associated outbuildings and structures, and the formal garden, furniture and personal effects, form a cohesive and intact grouping which together demonstrate a way of life no longer common.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the principal characteristics of a particular class of cultural places.</p><br>
<p>The house, together with the large group of associated outbuildings and structures and the formal garden, and the physical arrangement of these elements, are important in demonstrating the principal characteristics of an early 20th century Queensland homestead complex.</p><br>
<p>The place is important because of its aesthetic significance.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in exhibiting a range of aesthetic characteristics valued by the local community, in particular the landmark contribution of the buildings and grounds, through form, scale and siting; the quality and intactness of the interiors, including early fixtures and furnishings; and the landscaping, including the substantially intact formal garden.</p><br>
<p>The place has a strong or special association with a particular community or cultural group for social, cultural or spiritual reasons.</p><br>
<p>It has a strong association with the local community, which perceives the place as an historically significant element in the Mackay/Walkerston cultural landscape.</p><br>
<p>The place has a special association with the life or work of a particular person, group or organisation of importance in Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>It has a special association with the Cook family and their contribution to the development of the Mackay region and to the growth of the sugar and cattle breeding industries in Queensland over more than 120 years.</p><br>
<p>Walkerston State Butcher&#39;s Shop is a heritage-listed former butcher shop at 13 Dutton Street, Walkerston, Mackay Region, Queensland, Australia. It was added to the Queensland Heritage Register on 3 December 2007.</p><br>
<h2>History</h2><br>
<p>The small timber former State Butcher&#39;s shop, built in 1922 in Walkerston, just west of Mackay, stands on the north side of Dutton Street, and is one of the last of the old shops remaining in the town.</p><br>
<p>The City of Mackay is named for John Mackay, who entered the valley of the Pioneer River in 1860 and established a pastoral run there the following year. In 1862 a settlement was begun on the south bank of the river and by 1863, Mackay had been surveyed and the first lots of land sold. It was gazetted as a port of entry and a customs house was opened. The town prospered as a port and as a commercial and administrative centre, drawing business from nearby pastoral holdings and the sugar plantations being developed along the river. The 1880s saw an expansion in population as the Queensland economy enjoyed a boom and people poured into the colony. The sugar industry was also booming and Mackay continued to develop as an important regional centre.</p><br>
<p>Walkerston started in the 1860s as a staging centre for teamsters between Mackay and Nebo, and most of the land around Walkerston was selected in the 1860s. F.H. Wilson set up a boiling-down works in 1867, and a number of buildings were present by the time Walkerston received a Post Office in 1876. In this year Walkerston had a population of 200, compared to Mackay&#39;s 2000. A brickyard was also established around this time, and a Provisional School was opened in 1874. Walkerston had two names until 1881: "Alsatia" applied to the area east of Bold Street; and "Walkerston" applied to the area west of Bold Street.</p><br>
<p>The development of Walkerston was aided by the Pioneer Valley railway line, which reached Mirani in 1885. The presence of seven sugar mills nearby (Alexandra, Pleystowe, Cassada, Branscombe, Lorne, Palms, and Palmyra), built between 1868-1883, also boosted Walkerston&#39;s economy during the 1880s.</p><br>
<p>Three State butcher shops were opened in Mackay during 1922, and Walkerston received its own State butcher shop in the same year. In 1915 T. J. Ryan&#39;s Labor government won office in wartime Queensland on the strength of promises to improve living standards - principally by addressing the problems of high commodity prices, price-fixing and the emergence of monopolies. The Labor party in general and Ryan and his Treasurer, Ted Theodore, in particular, advocated public ownership of key economic activities, in competition with private enterprise, but at fair prices. They argued that by operating at a reduced profit margin the cost of goods and services provided by State-run enterprises would be reduced, and that the flow-on effect would be to reduce and stabilise prices for similar goods and services provided by the private sector.</p><br>
<p>In the period 1915-1925 the Queensland Government instituted or acquired a diversity of business enterprises, including a State Insurance Office, a Public Curators Office, the Golden Casket State Lottery, sawmills and joinery works, mining and fishing ventures (including a string of State Fish Shops), a hotel, a sugar mill, cold stores, plant nurseries, cattle stations and a network of butchers shops, the process being formalised with the passing of the State Enterprises Act of 1918. These activities were part of a broader, pragmatic Labor platform, which advocated State intervention in the private sector to protect individuals against capitalist exploitation, not as a means of involving workers in the control of production, or of raising wage levels. Labor politicians regarded State enterprise as "State capitalism" rather than "State socialism".</p><br>
<p>In 1915 cattle-raising was one of the principal economic activities of Queensland. Believing that all Queenslanders should have access to meat at fair prices, and needing to maintain a regular supply of cheap meat to the Allied fighting forces, the Ryan government introduced a State-wide system of State-owned butchers shops which proved to be among the more successful of the numerous State enterprises. The first State butchers shop was opened in Roma Street, Brisbane, on 12 November 1915, and soon other shops were established in Brisbane suburbs and in regional centres such as Rockhampton, Gympie, Townsville, Charters Towers, and Mount Morgan, following the railway lines via which frozen meat was distributed to the State butcheries.</p><br>
<p>From 1915 to 1929, 90 State butchers shops operated in Queensland for various periods, mostly in leased or purchased premises. In fairness to established butcheries, when the State intended to open a butchers shop in a town or suburb, inspections were made of existing butcheries, to assess the possibility of State acquisition. The peak number of shops operating at any one time was 72, in 1922-23.</p><br>
<p>Only seven purpose-built butchers shops appear to have been constructed in Queensland, each built to an individual design. The first purpose-built State butchery was included within the brick Central State Fish Market, South Brisbane (1917–18). Another purpose-built State butchery, also made of brick, was opened in Roma (Roma State Butchers Shop) in September 1919 after an expenditure of just over £4,000. The Booval State Butchery, built of timber, opened in July 1920, after expenditure of £600; and the Ayr State Butchery opened in July 1921. The latter was constructed of brick and wood, with a cost of just over £2,000. The design included a shop, breaking down room, cold store, engine room, change room, store, fuel shed and a condenser house.</p><br>
<p>The remaining three purpose-built State butcheries opened in 1922. The Mackay State Butchery, built of timber and fibre-cement, opened in May 1922, with a construction cost of just over £2,600. The Mackay (South Side) State Butchery in George Street was also built of timber and fibre cement, and opened during August 1922, with a construction cost of £327. The timber Walkerston State Butchery opened during November 1922, with a construction cost of about £536.</p><br>
<p>Cold stores and additions were erected at various butchers shops, but no other purpose-designed shop was constructed. Initially the State butchers shops were supplied with frozen meat from meatworks companies, but from 1921 they purchased their own stock, which they killed at their own slaughter-yards, ensuring that the State butcher&#39;s shops were supplied always with fresh meat at very competitive prices.</p><br>
<p>Despite benefits such as the provision of employment, assistance to small farmers and small business, and the provision of cheaper meat to thousands, the State Enterprises scheme as a whole proved an economic failure. Some State enterprises had been purchased at an inflated price; others were located in unsuitable areas or were badly managed; others suffered the effects of economic recession, or of the mid-1920s drought. Following the passing of the Profiteering Prevention Act of 1920, other mechanisms were in place for controlling prices. By 1926, Labor premier William McCormack had declared publicly his intention of disposing of unprofitable State Enterprises, although little action was taken at the time. Some of the State butcher shops were disposed of in the period 1926-1928, and when Labor was defeated at the 1929 election, the in-coming Country/Progressive/Nationalist coalition government disposed of most of the remaining State Enterprises, including the 39 remaining State butcher&#39;s shops, which ceased trading as of 30 June 1929.</p><br>
<p>In their 14 years of operation, the State butcher&#39;s shops sold over £5 million worth of meat and had made an overall profit to the Treasury of £185,000, but when interest and other charges were factored in, they lost about £6,000. However, this pales by comparison with the combined £2 million loss sustained by the State stations and the State-acquired Chillagoe railway, mines and smelter.</p><br>
<p>The Walkerston State Butcher shop was built on land previously owned by Annie and William Barwise (publicans at the nearby Duke of Edinburgh Hotel). Title for 19.87 perches of this land was registered to The Commissioner for Trade on 6 November 1922 (the Memorandum of Conveyance had been produced on 3 August 1922). On 12 September 1922 a letter from the Commissioner of the Queensland State Trade Office, W.H. Austin, to the Under Secretary and Director of Public Works, had requested further work on the State Butchery at Walkerston (now nearing completion), through the District Foreman of Works at Rockhampton. The works requested were: a paling fence on the front alignment, with post and wire fencing on other three sides; a stable building of timber with an iron roof, containing two stalls with slip rails in front, a feed room (with wooden floor and door), and open space for one cart; and a hardwood cover for the well. An ice chest was also supplied by the Department of Public Works by 4 December 1922.</p><br>
<p>Title for the land was transferred to Albert A. Cook, John H. Baker, and Kenneth W. Baker in February 1925, and was then transferred to Albert A. Cook and John H. Baker in May 1928. Although the local history "Sugar from the Scrub" claims that the shop was not used as a butcher &#39;s shop after 1928, its subsequent owners were butchers, and it may have continued trading as such.</p><br>
<p>During its more recent history the Walkerston shop has been used as a pizza shop, and later sold dance supplies. A skillion section clad in fibre cement sheeting has been added to the rear of the shop at some stage, resulting in the boarding over of a rear sash window. A carport is attached to the rear skillion addition, and a more recent carport structure has also been added to the west side of the shop, connecting with the neighbouring modern building. In 2016, the building is used as the Walkerston branch of Grays Chiropractic.</p><br>
<p>No equipment related to butchery remains in the shop, although a large fig tree to the rear of the property, near High Street, has metal railings embedded in its branches, possibly used for butchering carcasses. There are also two small concrete vats sitting at the northwest rear corner of the property, purpose unknown.</p><br>
<h2>Description</h2><br>
<p>The former Walkerston State Butcher shop is a small timber building on the north side of Dutton Street, and its street awning, supported by timber posts, projects over the footpath. The front section of the original building has exposed timber framing, whereas the rear section is clad in weatherboards. A later rear extension is clad in both fibre cement sheeting and corrugated iron.</p><br>
<p>The front facade of the shop has a central doorway, with a large timber-framed four-panel window to the right of the door. The western side of the shop also has a timber double-door entrance. A metal window hood is located above the sash window at the end of the western wing of the rear section of the shop.</p><br>
<p>The original shop has a T shape, with the head of the T to the rear. The corrugated iron gabled roof thus has wider eaves towards the front of the building than it does to the rear. The gables have been vented at each apex by wedging the weatherboarding slightly open. The skillion roofed street awning has a timber valance, and the rear extension also has a skillion roof. An open skillion carport extends further to the rear behind the enclosed addition.</p><br>
<p>Internally, the shop has an open area to the front, measuring about 4.8m square, with a mansard-profile timber ceiling. Between the top of the side walls and the ceiling, sheets of perforated material have been set between the timber framing to provide ventilation. A doorway at the rear of this space leads into a kitchen, with modern fittings, which occupies the eastern rear wing of the building. A doorway to the left leads from the kitchen into the western rear wing, now used as a small storeroom. Both wings have sash windows that have been sealed. The west wing also has a rear-facing sash window that has been sealed after the addition of the rear extension. Both wings have mansard- profile timber ceilings.</p><br>
<p>A doorway from the kitchen leads into the rear skillion addition. The rear addition appears to have had a serving window that has been sealed, facing the rear yard, to the west of the carport. The interior of the kitchen and the rear addition are clad in plasterboard sheeting, but the remainder of the interior of the shop has vertical timber boarding. To the northeast of the rear of the shop is a raised concrete slab, which may cover an old well. Further to the rear of the shop is a large fig tree, which has two ingrown steel rails on its northern side, one vertical and set in the ground, the other set at a diagonal down into the tree. Two small rectangular open-top concrete vats stand in the northwest corner of the allotment.</p><br>
<p>A recent flat-roofed carport structure connects the front of the western side of the shop to the neighbouring building, and is not historically significant.</p><br>
<h2>Heritage listing</h2><br>
<p>The former Walkerston State Butcher&#39;s Shop was listed on the Queensland Heritage Register on 3 December 2007 having satisfied the following criteria.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the evolution or pattern of Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>The former State Butchers Shop at Walkerston, erected in 1922, is a result of the political and economic experiment embodied by the State Enterprises Act of 1918. Between 1915 and 1925 successive Queensland Labor governments established various State enterprises, with the network of State butchers shops being among the more successful of these experiments. The highly co-coordinated, statewide system of State butcheries provided cheaper meat to thousands of Queensland families between 1915 and 1929.</p><br>
<p>The place demonstrates rare, uncommon or endangered aspects of Queensland&#39;s cultural heritage.</p><br>
<p>The timber Walkerston shop was one of only seven purpose-designed State butchers shops constructed 1917-1922 - most of the State butchers shops operated from leased or purchased premises. The only other known surviving State butcher, at Roma, is a larger, brick building.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the principal characteristics of a particular class of cultural places.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in illustrating the principal characteristics of a modest example of a purpose-designed State butcher&#39;s shop of its era. The large front window, the street awning, and ventilation at the top of the walls also reflect the design of butcher shops of the period. The large roof overhang above the front section also appears to be an attempt to reduce the temperature within the shop.</p><br>
<p>The place is important because of its aesthetic significance.</p><br>
<p>As one of the last of the old shops in Walkerston, it makes an important contribution to the built character of the town.</p><br>
<p>Pico de Malpaso  is the highest point on the island of El Hierro in the Canary Islands, Spain.</p><br>
<h2>Geography</h2><br>
<p>The summit rises at the centre of the island on the border between Frontera and El Pinar de El Hierro municipalities (Province of Santa Cruz de Tenerife).</p><br>
<p>From the mountain one can see the island of La Palma and others islands of Canary archipelago.</p><br>
<h2>Geology</h2><br>
<p>The island of El Hierro is the youngest of the archipelago and is around 3 million years old. Its present shape is derived from the erosion on its volcanic cone.</p><br>
<h2>Environment</h2><br>
<p>Malpaso slopes host woods and heaths with relevant samples of Canary Islands juniper (Juniperus cedrus), some of them said to be more than one thousand years old. The most important animal from a conservationist point of view is El Hierro giant lizard (in Spanish lagarto Salmor), an endangered species of reptiles.</p><br>
<p>Cliffwood Hall, formerly Clifton Town Hall, is a historic municipal and social meeting hall at 15 Rebel Hill Road in Clifton, Maine. Built in 1892, it was for nearly 90 years the towns town hall, and one of its principal social meeting venues. It is now home to the Clifton Historical Societys museum collection and is known as the Clifton Town Hall Museum. The Society also operates the Harold Allan Schoolhouse.</p><br>
<p>The building was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 2008.</p><br>
<h2>Description and history</h2><br>
<p>Cliffwood Hall is located on the southwest side of Rebel Hill Road (Maine State Route 180), a short way south of its junction with Maine State Route 9. It stands next to the Harold Allan Schoolhouse, also owned by the local historical society. The hall is a two story wood frame structure, with a gabled roof, clapboard siding, granite foundation, and modest Italianate styling. The front facade is symmetrical, with a central double door sheltered by a bracketed shelf, and single sash windows on either side. Above the doors are a pair of tall sash windows, flanked on the side bays by single tall windows, and there are a pair of normal-height sash windows in the attic level. The windows are all topped by projecting cornices. The downstairs of the interior has an entry vestibule, kitchen, and main hall, the latter now housing museum exhibits that include the old town hearse. The upstairs of the hall is unfinished except for its pine floor.</p><br>
<p>The hall was built in 1892 by a group of local residents as a venue for social and cultural events. It was purchased in 1899 by the town, and was used until 1899 as its town hall, housing town offices and hosting town meetings and a polling place. The building was turned over to the Clifton Historical Society in 1999, and has house its museum there since then.</p><br>
<p>The Stephen Longfellow House is a historic house on Longfellow Road in Gorham, Maine. It was built in 1761, and was bought in 1775 by Stephen Longfellow, the great-grandfather of poet Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, and contains one of the state&#39;s finest Georgian interiors. It was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1984.</p><br>
<h2>Description and history</h2><br>
<p>The Longfellow house is located in a rural area of eastern Gorham, on the north side of Longfellow Road, opposite its junction with Dragonfly Lane. It is a 2-1/2 story wood frame structure, with a side gable roof, central chimney, clapboarded exterior, and granite foundation. Its main facade is five bays wide, with a center entrance flanked by pilasters and topped by a gabled pediment. A single-story ell extends to the northeast. The house interior is laid out in a typical center-chimney plan, with the front parlors feature carved paneling on the walls, and the center stairway featuring finely carved newel posts and an elegant handrail.</p><br>
<p>The house was built in 1761, and was purchased in 1775 by Stephen Longfellow after his Portland home was destroyed by British military forces in the Burning of Falmouth. His son, Stephen Jr., was trained as a lawyer, and was active in the towns civic affairs, and also served as a trustee of the Gorham Academy and Bowdoin College. It is known that a young Henry Wadsworth Longfellow was a visitor to what was then his grandfathers farm.</p><br>
<p>The Samuel Gilbert Smith Farmstead is a historic farm property at 375 Orchard Street in Brattleboro, Vermont. The present 20 acre property includes a well-preserved 1870s-era connected farmstead and other 19th-century landscape features. Associated with the property are a well-documented history of the transformations the property has undergone since its 18th-century origins. The property was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 2000.</p><br>
<h2>Description and history</h2><br>
<p>The Samuel Gilbert Smith Farmstead is located in a rural area of northern Brattleboro, on the east side of Orchard Street. The property now consists of 20 acre, although the farm originally associated with the property was 1,000 acre in the 18th century. The farmstead sits on land that has open fields lined with stone walls, original 19th-century wells, and a partially lined streambed that passes through the property. The farmstead has a main house block, to which are connected a kitchen ell, equipment shed, and barn. All of these elements date to about 1870, and have vernacular style. The house is 1-1/2 stories in height, with a side gable roof and a pair of gabled wall dormers.</p><br>
<p>The farms origins date to 1767, when Dr. Henry Wells was granted 1000 acres on what was then known as Meeting House Hill. His acreage provided some of the earliest civic parcels in Brattleboro, including its first cemetery, town common, and meeting house site. The towns economic development, however, took place along its streams and rivers, and the area soon declined in importance. From 1801 to 1815, the farm (then about 150 acre) was owned by Royall Tyler, an early American playwright and Vermont jurist, who left a detailed description of the property from that time, when it had an older detached farm complex. In 1850 half of the farm passed to Samuel Gilbert Smith, who c. 1870 tore down the old farmstead and built the present connected one.</p><br>
<p>Mirani railway station is a heritage-listed former railway station at Victoria Street, Mirani, Mackay Region, Queensland, Australia. It was built from 1885 to 1913. It is also known as Hamilton railway station. It was added to the Queensland Heritage Register on 7 July 2005.</p><br>
<h2>History</h2><br>
<p>The Mirani railway station opened on 10 August 1885. The station formed part of the Pioneer Valley Line of the Mackay Railway which opened on the same day. In search of new pastoral land, John Mackay and his party entered and named the valley of the Mackay River in 1860 (renamed Pioneer River in 1862), and the following year he returned to establish a cattle station. Other settlers quickly followed. In 1862, the ketch "Presto" entered the Mackay River landing stores and building materials, then surveyed the river mouth, which consequently was gazetted as a Port of Entry.</p><br>
<p>In the earliest years of non-Indigenous settlement of the Pioneer Valley, the area was leased as two cattle runs, Hamilton and Hopetoun. They were worked as one property with the head station at Hamilton, across the Pioneer River from the township now known as Mirani. Prior to the opening of the railway station in 1885, Mirani was known as Hamilton, after one of the cattle properties, but was changed so that no confusion could arise between it and Hamilton in Brisbane.</p><br>
<p>Sugar cane is a bulky crop that transports well, but it needs to be processed quickly once harvested. In the 19th century, the only transport method that answered these requirements was the railway. Every sugar district developed a network of tramways and railways, provided by a combination of the sugar mills, local government and the Queensland Government.</p><br>
<p>Agitation for a local rail network began in the late 1870s. The principal advocates were the independent cane growers who were forced to send their cane to the nearest plantation mill to be crushed. The first sugar mill in the district, John Ewen Davidson&#39;s, Alexandra was established in 1868. A government-run rail network was a means of overcoming that dependence and allowing growers to choose which mill crushed their cane. The Colonial Sugar Refining Company had introduced the two feet gauge steam tramway to the Queensland canefields when it built three large sugar mills simultaneously, at Homebush south-west of Mackay, at Victoria on the Herbert River and at Goondi on the Johnstone River. Homebush Mill opened in 1883.</p><br>
<p>Approval for the Pioneer Valley line was granted by the Queensland Parliament in October 1882. Mackay was growing in name as the centre of a prosperous sugar district, and, due to the input on the Colonial Sugar Refining Company, already had private steam tramways. In 1880 John Spiller built a five kilometre line on his River Estate plantation and worked it with a locally built vertical boiler engine. The following year he built a similar line on his Pioneer plantation, both on the north side of the river.</p><br>
<p>A railway route was surveyed west from Mackay parallel to the south bank of the river to a point opposite Hamilton (later Mirani) station and construction began in late 1883. The contract was awarded to George Bashford & Co in late 1883. Nearly 2000 people assembled to watch the Governor ceremonially turn the first sod on his first visit to Mackay even though work had been underway for a month. The first stage from Mackay to Mirani was opened on 10 August 1885. A branch line commencing at Newbury Junction, west of Mackay, ran south towards Eton, the only other settlement of note in the district apart from Mackay and Walkerston. Construction work on the railway line was virtually halted for three months in 1884 due to flooding which, at the time, was the highest on record.</p><br>
<p>The railway station became a focal point of the township of Mirani. A post mistress was appointed and all postal business was conducted from the station from 1888 to 1924 when separate postal facilities were established in Alexandra Street. Harry Wesche planted mango trees in the station&#39;s yard when he worked there c.1915. Some of those trees survive today.</p><br>
<p>In 1885, with the Mackay Railway terminating at Mirani, the town was the limit of closer settlement. Throughout the 1890s the government received requests for the Pioneer Valley line to be extended to open up more land for cane, particularly the extensive area of land that lay between Mirani and the Eungella Ranges. The Pioneer River however, was a significant barrier.</p><br>
<p>A short extension of the line was finally made over the Pioneer River at Mirani in 1897 to give growers access to rail transport. Expenditure for the bridge of five, 34 metre long steel spans on high concrete piers was approved and contract let to A Overend & Co, in August 1896. The two kilometres of track to Mirani West, officially opened on 11 December 1897, were laid without authority until the plans were resubmitted by the Philp Government and approved in December 1900. The extension further west to Pinnacle, opened on 7 July 1902. This was the first line completed under the new day labour system.</p><br>
<p>The Pioneer Valley Line of the Mackay Railway was the catalyst for the establishment of the township, Mirani, that became an important secondary centre within the Mackay region. Further, the Pioneer Valley line was instrumental in the expansion of the sugar industry, significantly increasing the amount of land that could be cultivated for sugar on an economically viable basis, as well as being a critical factor in the development of a central mill system, providing an alternate transport system to shipping, thus enabling cane plantations to be located away from major waterways.</p><br>
<p>There was little goods traffic. The line carefully avoided any contact with the Homebush mill tramway, whilst the sugar mills at Meadowlands, Te Kowai, Alexandra, Palms, Pleystowe and Marian continued to haul sugar to town and cane to the mill by road. Only the Victoria Sugar Mill near Eton was right beside the railway. Matters were rectified after a visit to Mackay by Commissioner Curnow in April 1887, and the department agreed to build short spurs to Te Kowai, Palms, Alexandra and Pleystowe mills, with the owners repaying the cost over five years. A similar siding had already been built to Marian mill; it was repaid by a surcharge. The Government financed the construction of two Central Mills in 1888, Racecourse Sugar Mill beside the railway line at the Lagoons and at North Eton. The latter had a siding to Drapers (south-west of Mackay) which was shifted in 1902 to connect at Victoria.</p><br>
<p>By 1899, the Mirani Railway comprised the station building, with an addition to the roadside, as well as a detached kitchen. In 1899, Henrik Hansen prepared drawings for a ladies&#39; room and closet to be added to the Finch Hatton end of the building.</p><br>
<p>In 1913, the building was remodelled resulting in the removal of the curved timber brackets to the shade (which was characteristic of nineteenth century railway architecture) and the substitution of ladder frame brackets carried on fretted struts and similar spandrels to the shelter shed with shades to both sides of the building located on an island platform.</p><br>
<p>By 1960 the Mirani railway station consisted of the station building, lamp room, quarters, loading bank, goods shed, whim derrick and forkline with trucking yards.</p><br>
<p>The Mackay Railway, from Kowari to Netherdale, officially closed on 19 December 1977 after being damaged by flooding. In 1981 a lease of the quarters was offered to the Pioneer Valley Historical Society.</p><br>
<p>In 1988, the station building and residence were to be sold for removal. The Mirani Shire Council was successful in obtaining a grant through the Bicentennial funding to adapt the former station building for reuse as a museum. The grant allowed for the former station building to remain on site. The section of the Mackay Railway between Marian and Finch Hatton (which included the Mirani Railway Station) closed on 2 October 1990. This is becoming a common pattern in sugar districts as industry deregulation results in cane lands going out of production and mills closing. Many tram and rail lines are disappearing and road transport is taking an increasing share of the harvest to the mills.</p><br>
<p>The former station building continues to be cared for by the Mackay Regional Council (the successor to the Mirani Shire Council) which owns the property.</p><br>
<h2>Description</h2><br>
<p>The Mirani Railway Station is a single storey, timber framed building, set on low timber stumps, clad with timber weatherboards. The building has a gable roof clad with corrugated iron. Timber louvered ventilators are located high in the western and eastern elevations. The roof extends on both the northern and southern sides of the building creating shade to these sides.</p><br>
<p>The fretted shelter shed spandrels running the length of the structure on the northern and southern sides compare with the Finch Hatton railway station, further west along the line.</p><br>
<p>Spaces that have previously been used as office area, ladies&#39; room and closet (altered) are located to either side of the shelter shed area. Booking windows face the shelter area.</p><br>
<p>Station name boards are extant along the railway line.</p><br>
<p>A single storey timber trolley shed is located approximately 60 metres to the east of the railway station building.</p><br>
<p>The children&#39;s playground area structures and equipment are not considered to be of cultural heritage significance.</p><br>
<h2>Heritage listing</h2><br>
<p>The former Mirani railway station was listed on the Queensland Heritage Register on 7 July 2005 having satisfied the following criteria.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the evolution or pattern of Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>The Mirani railway station building is important as a substantially intact example of a country branch line station building, demonstrating the importance of the Queensland sugar industry&#39;s railway networks and the gradual loss of this network following industry deregulation and a shift to road transport of harvested cane. Located on the Pioneer Valley Line of the Mackay Railway, the Mirani railway station building is an extant reminder of the growth of the district as pre-eminent cane growing area in the late 19th and early 20th century. The opening of the area through the establishment of the railway also prompted the development of the timber industry.</p><br>
<p>The Mirani railway station building is further significant as the earliest surviving building on the Mackay Railway and is closely comparable with Finch Hatton Railway Station building, further to the west.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the principal characteristics of a particular class of cultural places.</p><br>
<p>With spaces formerly comprising an office area, shelter area with shade to both sides of the building and ticket windows facing the shelter areas, the Mirani Railway Station building is a good example of a country branch line timber railway building. Its decorative fretted shelter shed spandrels compare with the Finch Hatton Railway Station building.</p><br>
<p>Lt Thomas Armstrong Memorial is a heritage-listed memorial at Victoria Street, Mirani, Mackay Region, Queensland, Australia. It was built in 1918. It was added to the Queensland Heritage Register on 21 October 1992.</p><br>
<h2>History</h2><br>
<p>This memorial is unusual in that it is dedicated to the memory of an individual soldier. It marks the death on 12 October 1917 of Lieutenant Thomas Acheson (Tom) Armstrong of the 33rd Battalion who was killed in action at the age of 26 at the First Battle of Passchendaele at Zonnebeke near Passchendaele, Flanders during the First World War. Prior to enlisting at the start of 1916, Armstrong was a medical student at the University of Sydney.</p><br>
<p>Armstrong&#39;s family lived on a farm between Marian and Mirani. The memorial was erected behind the altar at St James Presbyterian Church (later Uniting Church) at Marian, a timber church located on Anzac Avenue near the Marian sugar mill. The mason who created the memorial is unknown. It was mounted behind the pulpit on the northern side of the church.</p><br>
<p>The memorial was unveiled in a ceremony on Saturday 14 September 1918 by Major Stuart Key. After the unveiling, a bugler played the Last Post, followed by a brief silence and then the congregation sang God Save the King.</p><br>
<p>By 1991 the church was no longer in use and it was proposed that the Marian State School purchase the site for its use. Local church services were relocated to St Stephens Uniting Church at the nearby township of Mirani and the memorial was transferred from St James church to St Stephens, Mirani.</p><br>
<p>Thomas Armstrong was also memorialised at the Menin Gate Memorial at Ypres, Belgium, where memorialisation is reserved for Commonwealth soldiers of World War I whose graves cannot be identified.</p><br>
<h2>Description</h2><br>
<p>The memorial is a tablet of black polished stone, measuring 104 x 64 cm and forms the base for two white marble reliefs. The lower one is in the form of a scroll and sword and has the inscription:In Loving Memory of Lieut Thomas A Armstrong 33rd Battalion AIF who was killed in action near Passchendaele, Flanders on 12th October 1917 aged 26 years. Greater love hath no man than this.The upper white marble relief bears the crest of the 33rd Battalion in polychrome and its Latin motto, Strenue Percute (translated strike vigorously).</p><br>
<h2>Heritage listing</h2><br>
<p>Lt Thomas Armstrong Memorial was listed on the Queensland Heritage Register on 21 October 1992 having satisfied the following criteria.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the evolution or pattern of Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>The Armstrong Memorial is important is demonstrating the pattern and evolution of Queenslands history, as a memorial to the participation and death in battle of a member of the Marian community in the First World War. In its depiction of martial symbols such as the sword and battalion crest, it reflects a pride in Australias participation in the war as a nation within the Empire as well as personal loss.</p><br>
<p>The place demonstrates rare, uncommon or endangered aspects of Queensland&#39;s cultural heritage.</p><br>
<p>The Armstrong Memorial is rare in Queensland as a privately erected war memorial to an individual soldier.</p><br>
<p>The place is important because of its aesthetic significance.</p><br>
<p>The Armstrong memorial has aesthetic value as a well designed and good quality war memorial publicly displayed in the church.</p><br>
<p>Commonwealth Bank Building is a heritage-listed bank building at 63 Victoria Street, Mackay, Mackay Region, Queensland, Australia. It was designed by Francis Drummond Greville Stanley and built in 1880 by Southall & Tracey. It is also known as Australian Bank of Commerce Limited and Australian Joint Stock Bank. It was added to the Queensland Heritage Register on 21 October 1992.</p><br>
<h2>History</h2><br>
<p>The Commonwealth Bank building was constructed in 1880 for the Australian Joint Stock Bank and is the oldest commercial building in Mackay.</p><br>
<p>The Australian Joint Stock Bank was established with the discovery of gold in southern states in 1852 and opened branches on Queensland goldfields as they were discovered. It opened a branch on the Broughton goldfield on 23 April 1872 and then established branches in other centres. The Mackay branch was opened in this building in 1881.</p><br>
<p>The town of Mackay is named for John Mackay who entered the valley of the Pioneer River in 1860 and established a pastoral run there in the following year. In 1862 a settlement was begun on the south bank of the river and by 1863, the township had been surveyed and the first lots of land sold. It was gazetted as a port of entry and a customs house was opened. The town prospered as a port and as a commercial and administrative centre, drawing business from nearby pastoral holdings and the sugar plantations being developed along the river. The 1880s saw an expansion in population as the Queensland economy enjoyed a boom and people poured into the colony. The sugar industry was also booming and Mackay continued to develop as an important regional centre.</p><br>
<p>The new Australian Joint Stock Bank was one of a number designed by Queensland Colonial Architect F D G Stanley, although the construction was supervised by Brisbane architect Arthur Josling. Stanley undertook a variety of private commissions during his term with the Queensland Public Works Department and knew Josling from his employment by the Department as a temporary draughtsman between November 1878 and June 1879. Brisbane builders Southall and Tracey carried out the work. Construction began in January 1880 and the bank opened on 5 February 1881.</p><br>
<p>Although suffering a devastating cyclone in 1918, Mackay enjoyed a period of substantial growth through the 1920s and 1930s, when it was the fastest growing town in Queensland. This was largely because its connection to the railway system in 1924 improved access to markets and reduced transport costs, thus boosting not only the sugar industry but also the developing dairy and tourist industries.</p><br>
<p>The Australian Joint Stock Bank Limited had become the Australian Bank of Commerce in 1910 and traded under that name until 1931 when it was acquired by the Bank of New South Wales. In 1934 the Commonwealth Savings Bank moved into the building.</p><br>
<p>The Queensland Government Savings Bank established an agency in the Mackay Post Office on 3 January 1865. The Bank had been established in 1861 and was intended to encourage small deposit saving by working people. In 1864, the Savings Bank Bill provided a government guarantee to protect trustees and deposits and to allow depositors to easily transfer accounts. The Queensland Government Savings Bank merged with the Commonwealth Savings Bank in January 1921. The Mackay branch then leased the Customs House until they moved to the former Australian Bank of Commerce building.</p><br>
<p>The interior has been considerably changed by a series of refits and renovations carried out over the years.</p><br>
<h2>Description</h2><br>
<p>The bank building, now occupied by the Commonwealth Bank is, in keeping with other North Queensland bank buildings of the period, a two-storey building with a former residence on the upper floor. An extension has been attached on the east. The ground floor windows are modified within their surrounds with modern glazing and frames. The night safe is located in the front, on the left hand side.</p><br>
<p>The front consists of a seven bay colonnade, of which the central bay is slightly narrower, but contains the entry and features a projecting one-storey portal, the entablature of which is free standing. The columns are round and stand on pedestals joined with a low wall. The entablature above the columns is enriched with classical triglyphs. The two central columns are positioned forward of the others as corner posts of the portal, the back of which is formed by square pillars topped by an arch.</p><br>
<p>The upper storey has more slender cast iron columns above the masonry lower ones, holding up the veranda roof of corrugated iron. The balustrade is formed with cast iron lace with a pattern based on overlapping circles. The main roof is hipped, it&#39;s ridge at right angles to the street. Arched windows connect the veranda with the upper floor, containing paired glazed doors; the top pane of each is arched also. The roof is clad in corrugated iron and has a decoratively moulded chimney rises on the left side.</p><br>
<p>The stucco on both levels is ruled to resemble ashlar masonry. The lower veranda is ceiled with boards. The upper floor is also lined with boards. These differ being run on the rake, are narrow and contain a rib mould at each joint.</p><br>
<p>The bank chamber has a central main door as well as two further doors, which may be former windows with sills removed.</p><br>
<h2>Heritage listing</h2><br>
<p>Commonwealth Bank of Australia was listed on the Queensland Heritage Register on 21 October 1992 having satisfied the following criteria.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the evolution or pattern of Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>Mackay, as an important sugar centre, made a major contribution to the economy of Queensland and to the development of the North in the late 19th century The Commonwealth Bank, by the quality of its design and construction, demonstrates the importance of this regional branch and the prosperity of the city at that time. It is now the oldest commercial building in Mackay.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the principal characteristics of a particular class of cultural places.</p><br>
<p>The Commonwealth Bank building is a good example of its type and demonstrates the principal characteristics of a regional bank of its era, from the reassuring conservatism of the classically influenced design, to the layout, which provided a residence for the bank&#39;s manager on the upper floor.</p><br>
<p>The place is important because of its aesthetic significance.</p><br>
<p>It was designed by one of Queensland&#39;s most influential architects and has aesthetic value as a prominent and finely detailed building that makes an important contribution to the townscape of Mackay</p><br>
<p>The place has a special association with the life or work of a particular person, group or organisation of importance in Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>The Commonwealth Bank, originally built for the Australian Joint Stock Bank, is important as a major commercial building by F.D.G. Stanley, who made a significant contribution to the development of the built environment in Queensland, both as the Colonial Architect and in private practice. It is also associated with the development of the Australian Joint Stock Bank, at one time the largest bank in Queensland.</p><br>
<p>East Gordon Street Sewerage Works is a heritage-listed pumping station at Sewerage Works Buildings, 38 East Gordon Street, Mackay, Mackay Region, Queensland, Australia. It was designed by A E Harding Frew and built in 1936. It is also known as Pump Stations. It was added to the Queensland Heritage Register on 10 July 2009.</p><br>
<h2>History</h2><br>
<p>The sewerage works in East Gordon Street, one of the first in Queensland, was opened by George Moody, Mayor of Mackay, on 25 January 1936. The consulting engineer was AE Harding Frew.</p><br>
<p>Mackay began as a settlement on the south bank of the Pioneer River serving pastoral holdings. By 1863 it had been surveyed and the first lots of land sold. It was gazetted as a port of entry and a customs house was opened. Sugar cane was introduced in 1865 and by the mid-1880s this was the major industry in the area. Mackay prospered as a port and as a commercial and administrative centre.</p><br>
<p>From the end of the nineteenth century until well after World War II, basic services in regional Queensland were progressively upgraded. Reticulated water supplies, sewerage systems and electricity were introduced into regional towns beginning with the major centres. Planning for Brisbanes sewerage system was underway by 1909. A sewerage scheme was introduced at Toowoomba in 1925, and development of a sewerage scheme at Rockhampton commenced in 1936. Most other regional centres did not have sewerage systems provided until after World War Two, with some local government areas waiting until the 1960s-1980s. Mackays sewerage system, opened in January 1936, was among the first in regional Queensland.</p><br>
<p>The system was introduced at a time when Mackay was undergoing a major public works program to improve the infrastructure of the town and upgrade the harbour. A number of factors prompted this program. Through the 1920s and 1930s, Mackay enjoyed a period of substantial growth, even during the period of financial hardship and unemployment caused by the Depression. It was the fastest-growing town in Queensland, with its population almost doubling between 1923 and 1940. This was largely due to the linking of Mackay by the North Coast railway line to Rockhampton in 1921 and to Townsville in 1923. This improved access to markets and reduced transport costs, boosting not only the sugar industry, but also the developing dairy and tourist industries.</p><br>
<p>Another contributing factor was that the local Member of the Queensland Legislative Assembly, William Forgan Smith, was Premier of Queensland between 1932 and 1940 and he supported the growth of the region. It was hoped that the public works program, including the Outer Harbour scheme, would make Mackay one of Queensland&#39;s most frequented beauty spots and that, as an attractive modern city, it would become a base for those visiting Eungella and the islands.</p><br>
<p>The city council commissioned a town plan from Ronald McInnes in 1934. It was based on Britain&#39;s Town Planning Act of 1932 and was the first town plan designed for an existing city in Queensland, serving as a model for other cities for many years. The Mackay City Council undertook an ambitious plan for the beautification and modernisation of the city. The scheme included the provision of new parks, kerbing and channelling, new water mains, a new powerhouse and the establishment of the sewerage system.</p><br>
<p>At the opening of the East Gordon Street Sewerage Works on 25 January 1936 the chairman of the Mackay Harbour Board, Charles Frederick Bagley, paid tribute to the city council for its initiative in carrying out the scheme and to the consulting engineer AE Harding Frew who designed it.</p><br>
<p>Alison Eavis Harding Frew (1883-1952) was a prominent Queensland civil engineer. Harding Frews designed about 80 bridges throughout Queensland during his career. He was a consulting engineer in Melbourne during the 1920s and on the Pyrmont Power House at Sydney in the early 1940s. He was a consultant on the 1926 Brisbane Cross River Commission and was the designing engineer for the William Jolly Bridge in Brisbane, from November 1926 to 1932. From 1932 to 1935 he was the engineer for bridge construction on the Hornibrook Highway project, the bridge linking Sandgate and Redcliffe. Frews design for the fully automated pump houses at Mackay, featuring castellated parapets, encompasses one of the basic principles of civil engineering, which is to design creative solutions that are both functional and aesthetically pleasing.</p><br>
<p>At the opening of the works Bagley reiterated the view of the day that, with the completion of the sewerage works and the Outer Harbour Scheme, Mackay would become even more important, and the Government Medical Officer, Dr Ernest Wesley Chenoweth, emphasised the public health advantages of the new sewerage scheme.</p><br>
<p>Sewage was pumped to the site via concrete or glazed pipes, where it was held in a well and treated with chlorine before being pumped out to sea at high tide. The main elements of sewage treatment included the separation of solids from fluids by screening and allowing the solids to settle in a tank. The solids were drawn off and disposed of, and the fluids were often treated before being discharged into a waterway or the ocean. Chlorine was used as a disinfectant.</p><br>
<p>By December 1933 a total of 68,123 feet (about 22 kilometres) of sewer main, including a main crossing at Sandfly Creek near the East Gordon Street site, had been pegged out. Tenders had also been let for the construction of the pump well and pump house, the supply and installation of pump machinery, and the construction of the chlorinator.</p><br>
<p>The smaller building (the chlorinator) toward the front of the site is now used for storage. The larger building is still in use as a pump station with a submersible pump external to the structure and a switchboard inside the building. A modern deodoriser has been installed next to this building. Sewage is pumped from the station at East Gordon Street to a pump station in Sydney Street.</p><br>
<p>The East Gordon Street works forms part of a major network of 135 pump stations throughout Mackay and they are associated with a sewer main of more than 630 km, which ultimately connects to one of three waste water treatment plants in the city. Mackay Water, a business unit of Mackay City Council (now of the Mackay Regional Council), is responsible for the management of Mackay&#39;s sewerage scheme.</p><br>
<h2>Description</h2><br>
<p>The 1936 Sewerage Works is located on a level allotment in East Gordon Street, Mackay. The two principal early structures on the site are the pump house and chlorinator building. These are small, white, concrete buildings with castellated parapets. The larger is to the rear and the smaller to the front of the block.</p><br>
<p>The buildings are constructed from off-form concrete with a horizontal, wide-board pattern showing. Vent stacks are built as miniature towers at some corners of the structures; other corners have matching engaged buttresses. They sit on concrete tanks, their floors about 1.5m above the ground.</p><br>
<p>The smaller building (chlorinator) is rectangular in plan with the longer elevations facing south-west and north-east. Two square, metal-framed windows, covered with metal shutters open into both of these elevations. A square window into the north-west elevation is also covered with sheeting. The entrance to the building, in the south-east elevation, is via a concrete stair which ascends parallel to the wall finishing at a concrete landing. A wooden door opens from the landing. This is secured with a knob and a more recent lock. The top of the tank under the smaller building forms a raised semicircular concrete plinth which extends to the south-west. The tank contains a chamber with a tapered floor.</p><br>
<p>Internally, the building comprises a single room with unpainted concrete walls. It contains two large items of early machinery. One of these has a small brass name plate bearing the words "Filtration and water softening system".</p><br>
<p>The larger building (pump house) is also rectangular in plan with the long elevations facing south-west and north-east. Access to the building is via a concrete stair to the narrow, south-east elevation. The stair ascends at right angles to the wall finishing at a long landing. At the top of the landing, a double metal door opens into the interior. It has a curved handle and is secured by a barrel bolt. A plaque above the door commemorates the commissioning of the works on 25 January 1936. The opposite elevation has a single small, metal- framed glass window with nine panes.</p><br>
<p>The south-west elevation has three square, steel-framed windows. These pivot around a horizontal axis at mid-height. The top of the tank attached to the side of the building projects to form a rectangular plinth. A steel stairway ascends at right angles to the south-eastern side of the tank finishing close to the wall of the building. Four metal shafts project from the top of the tank. Three of these have metal wheels fitted to the top; threaded lengths of rod extend above these wheels. Hinged, steel panels provide access into the tanks.</p><br>
<p>The opposite (north-east) elevation has two square windows and a narrow hatchway around 1.5m in height. The windows are covered with sheeting which is boxed out from the wall a short distance. Two metal plates are bolted over the hatchway; a large square plate above a smaller rectangular one. Both plates have curved handles at each end.</p><br>
<p>The top of the tank forms a rectangular plinth extending from this elevation. There are small rectangular and arched openings into the base of the north-eastern end of the plinth.</p><br>
<p>Internally, the larger building is painted light grey on the lower part of the wall and pale green above, separated by a black band. The floor comprises a series of steel plates with a metal ladder descending to a sub-floor area that is now disused. The building contains a grey cabinet housing electrical equipment. This is not considered to be of cultural heritage significance.</p><br>
<p>The building also contains a manually operated overhead crane. Transverse movement of the crane is achieved by means of a simple chain and wheel mechanism. A similar chain and wheel raises and lowers a hook. This mechanism comprises a pulley and two back-to-back hooks. One of the hooks secures the mechanism to the overhead cross beam of the crane; the other dangles downwards for holding the load.</p><br>
<h2>Heritage listing</h2><br>
<p>East Gordon Street Sewerage Works was listed on the Queensland Heritage Register on 10 July 2009 having satisfied the following criteria.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the evolution or pattern of Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>The East Gordon Street Sewerage Works in Mackay, opened in 1936, was one of the first in regional Queensland. As such, it is important in demonstrating the progressive upgrading of basic infrastructure in regional Queensland, in particular the provision of sewerage schemes, which took place in regional towns and cities from the interwar period. Most other regional centres did not develop such schemes until after World War II, with some local government areas not constructing sewerage infrastructure until after 1960.</p><br>
<p>As one of the first sewerage works in regional Queensland, it is tangible evidence of the importance of Mackay as a regional centre in the 1930s and the influence the city enjoyed through their local Member of Parliament, William Forgan Smith, who was Premier at the time. During the 1920s and 1930s, Mackay was the fastest growing town in Queensland.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the principal characteristics of a particular class of cultural places.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the principal characteristics of a sewage treatment works of the interwar period. Characteristics include pump house, chlorination plant building, and the deliberate attempt to visually disguise the true purpose of these structures through the stylistic treatment of the exterior walls with their castellated parapets, which is unusual for such utilitarian structures.</p><br>
<p>The place also is important in demonstrating the work of prominent civil engineer AE Harding Frew, who designed the scheme. Frew made a substantial contribution to civil engineering infrastructure in Queensland including designing the William Jolly Bridge in Brisbane.</p><br>
<p>The Wolfsberg is a spur of the Süllberg, in the Calenberg Land near Springe in the Hanover Region.</p><br>
<h2>Location</h2><br>
<p>The Wolfsberg lies just under 1 kilometre north-northeast of the Süllberg which lies east of the Deister ridge in Germany&#39;s Central Uplands. It rises around 13 kilometres south-southwest of the centre of Hanover in the borough of Springe and municipality of Wennigsen, whose boundary runs over the northwestern flank of the hill. The village of Lüdersen which belongs to Springe lies on the Wolfsberg, the parish to the west belongs to Holtensen.</p><br>
<h2>Geology and conservation</h2><br>
<p>The Wolfsberg was formed in the Jurassic period. On its eastern side there are sandstone quarries with beds of Deister sandstone, which were exhausted in the 19th century. Since 1968 the Wolfsberg has been on the far side of the limit of building for protected area H-22 in the Hanover Region (this is currently being reviewed. According to political decisions the Wolfsberg element of LSG H-23 is to become part of North Deister). The reason for conservation is based on being the "central part of the natural space known as the Calenberg Loess Börde (Calenberger Lößbörde). This natural space is characterised by a layer of loess, up to 3 metres thick, that was formed in the Late and Post-Ice Age by wind excavation and deposition at the foot of the Central Uplands." On the northern slope of the hill is the Wolfsberg Spring which has been enclosed for tourist reasons. From there rises a subordinate tributary stream of the Ihme, which flows not far from Linderte and Vörie.</p><br>
<h2>Settlement</h2><br>
<p>On the eastern edge of the Wolfsberg is the deserted village of Weningrodere. This was abandoned in the phase of the Late Middle Ages when villages emptied out. It was last mentioned in the records in 1370. The village lay where the road from Holtensen to Lüdersen met the road from Lüdersen to Linderte. Today the western side of the Wolfsberg is built upon. On the higher slopes of the domed summit, on which there is a residential quarter of Lüdersen, are residential roads.</p><br>
<p>The Todd House is a historic house at 11 Capen Avenue in Eastport, Maine. Built about 1781, it is believed to be the city&#39;s oldest surviving building. It was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1980. It now houses a bed and breakfast inn.</p><br>
<h2>Description and history</h2><br>
<p>The Todd House stands at the northeast corner of Capen Avenue and Water Street, north of the city center, and overlooking the St. Croix River. It is a 1-1/2 story wood frame Cape style house, five bays wide, with a side gable roof, central chimney, clapboard siding, and stone foundation. Its south-facing facade is symmetrical, with the front entrance topped by a transom window. Inside, it follows a typical center-chimney plan, with a narrow vestibule in front of the chimney that also has a winding stair to the attic level, and parlor spaces on either side. A single-story ell extends to the rear of the building.</p><br>
<p>The house&#39;s exact construction date is unknown; it is assumed to be the single house located on Moose Island on a 1781 navigational chart. Its earliest recorded owner is John C. Todd. Moose Island (where most of Eastport is located) was first settled in 1772 by fishermen. In 1801, the house was adapted for use by the newly-formed local Masonic lodge, using the attic-level space as a meeting hall. When Eastport was occupied by British forces during the War of 1812, some of their officers were quartered here. Returned in 1818, it continued to be used by the Masons until 1887, when they moved to a purpose-built hall.</p><br>
<p>Mallett Hall is the town hall of Pownal, Maine. It is an architecturally distinctive Colonial Revival building, constructed in 1886 in the crossroads village of Pownal Center. It was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1991 for its architecture.</p><br>
<h2>Description and history</h2><br>
<p>Mallett Hall is located on the east side of Hallowell Road (Maine State Route 9), just north of its junction with Dyer Road and south of Bradbury Mountain State Park. It is a 2-1/2 story wood frame structure, with a gable roof, clapboard siding, and a granite foundation. It has a symmetrical front facade, with a slightly projecting central bay flanked by window bays. The centrally-located entrance is a double door flanked by pilasters and topped by a transom window and gabled pediment, and there is a tall Palladian window on the second level above. The projection is capped by a pedimented gable (echoing in proportions the main gable, which is also pedimented) with an inset half-round window. The interior&#39;s most elaborate feature is a freestanding central staircase, which is flanked by office spaces, and leads to the second-floor auditorium. A smaller meeting space is located behind it on the first floor.</p><br>
<p>The hall was built in 1886, and is one of the small rural community&#39;s most architecturally sophisticated buildings; its architect is not known, but may be Portland architect Francis Fassett. In addition to housing town offices and functions, it has also served as a community center, hosting social events. The hall is named for Edmund Mallett, a Freeport businessman who donated $1,200 for its construction, conditioned on public use of the auditorium.</p><br>
<p>Eleventh Street Methodist Episcopal Chapel, also known as the Peoples Home Church and Settlement, Russian Ukrainian Polish Pentecostal Church, and Fathers Heart Ministry Center, is a historic Methodist Episcopal chapel located in the East Village neighborhood of Lower Manhattan, New York City. The chapel was built in 1868-1869, and is a raised two-story, three bay, gable front brick building. Originally constructed in a vernacular Gothic Revival style, it was altered between 1900 and 1901 in the Colonial Revival style. Associated with the chapel is the former rectory. It was built about 1856 as a four-story, three bay single family dwelling in a vernacular Greek Revival style. The rectory was converted to a settlement house in 1900-1901.</p><br>
<p>It was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 2011.</p><br>
<p>Hotel Albert, also known as The Albert and Albert Apartments, is a historic hotel and apartment complex located in the Greenwich Village neighborhood of Lower Manhattan, New York City. The Albert began with three row houses at 32-36 East 11th Street, off of University Place, which were turned into the St. Stephen Hotel in 1876&ndash;1877 to designs by designed by James Irving Howard. The owner, Albert S. Rosenbaum, then commissioned noted architect Henry Janeway Hardenbergh to build 24 "French flats"  between the hotel and University Place. Completed in 1883, they were converted into the Hotel Albert in 1886&ndash;1887. An additional story was added in 1891, and the two hotels merged in the mid-1890s. In 1903&ndash;1904, a 12 story building was added to the south at 67 University Place, designed by Buchman & Fox, and in 1922&ndash;1924 a six story building on the corner at 23 East 10th Street, designed by William L. Bottomley and Sugarman, Hess & Berger, while the St. Stephen was given an entirely new facade in the 1920s, and let go for commercial lease. In 1977 the entire complex, including the St. Stephen, was converted to rental apartments as The Albert. It was then converted to a co-op in 1984. The hotel was noted for being popular among artists, writers, and political radicals.</p><br>
<p>It was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 2012.</p><br>
<p>Iranamadu Tank  is an irrigation tank in northern Sri Lanka, approximately 3 mi south east of Kilinochchi.</p><br>
<h2>History</h2><br>
<p>In 1902 the Director of Irrigation H. T. S. Ward came up with proposals for building a new irrigation tank on the Kanakarayan Aru in northern Ceylon. Work in the tank, which had a catchment area of 227 square miles and was to hold 26 ft of water, began in July 1902 but was delayed by the World War I. Construction was completed in 1921 and the tank was filled and spilling in November 1921. The tank was created by joining up two low lying swamps of the Kanakarayan Aru. Construction was carried out manually and the labourers were housed in a new colony - present day Kilinochchi. The tank cost Rs. 194,000 to construct. The tank&#39;s name was derived from the Tamil words for two (iranai) and pond (madu).</p><br>
<p>In the 1940s a severe drought in the Jaffna islands resulted in large numbers of people migrating to the Kilinochchi area where they were given free land to farm near the Iranamadu tank. An additional sluice was built on the right bank and the tank was extended onto lands on both banks. The bund was raised to 32 ft in 1954 to give a storage capacity of 82,000 acre.ft.</p><br>
<p>By the late 1960s the tank had a water spread are of 5,750 acre. The bund was 9,850 ft long. There was a controlled overflow spill on the left bank. The left bank sluice was 5 ft by 4 ft whilst the right bank sluice was 4 ft by 2 ft 8 in. The tank was capable of irrigating 18,844 acre of land. The bund was raised to 34 ft in 1975 to give a storage capacity of 106,500 acre.ft.</p><br>
<p>Concerns were raised about the integrity of the bund during the monsoon rains of 1983. An investigation by K. Vigneswaran, Deputy Director of Irrigation, in early 1984 found that the bund was too weak to hold water higher than 32 ft and so Vigneswaran ordered that water levels not exceed that amount.</p><br>
<p>The tank was 6 mi long, 1 mi wide and 34 ft in 2012. It was capable of irrigating 20,882 acre via 20 mi of channels. By 2014 the tank was capable of irrigating 21,985 acre.</p><br>
<h2>Jaffna and Kilinochchi Water Supply and Sanitation Project</h2><br>
<p>Jaffna peninsula, which has a population of nearly 600,000, has no perennial rivers and is heavily reliant on groundwater. Unregulated water extraction for industrial, agricultural and domestic use has resulted in acute water scarcity. The water is also polluted due to the absence of a sewerage system and seawater intrusion caused by indiscriminate limestone quarrying. Whilst parts of the projects were completed in the 1960s, the crucial Mulliyan channel linking Chundikkulam Lagoon with Vadamarachchi Lagoon wasn&#39;t built.</p><br>
<p>In 2006 the Sri Lankan government developed a new plan to supply water to Jaffna peninsula, the Jaffna and Kilinochchi Water Supply and Sanitation Project, which involved drawing water from Iranamadu Tank and transferring via pipeline to the peninsula. However, to ensure that farmers in Kilinochchi District continued to receive adequate supplies of water for irrigation, the tank bund would be repaired and raised by 2 feet to store and extract an additional 27,000m of water a day. A new raw water intake would be constructed near the tank&#39;s left bank main channel sluice. The raw water would then flow, under the influence of gravity, from the tank to Paranthan via a new 12 km 800mm diameter ductile iron pipe located alongside the existing left bank irrigation channel. From Paranthan the raw water would flow, under the influence of gravity, to Pallai via a new 20.5 km 600mm diameter high-density polyethylene (HDPE) pipe located alongside the A9 highway. At Pallai the raw water would be treated at a new water treatment plant before being pumped, via 45 km 600mm diameter ductile iron treated water main running alongside existing roads, to 17 new and 11 refurbished elevated water towers on the peninsula, and ground sumps at Kaddudai and Araliturai. The water towers will supply water, via 520 km 63-300mm diameter unplasticized polyvinyl chloride (uPVC)/medium-density polyethylene (MDPE) pipes, to Chavakachcheri, Jaffna, Kodikamam, Kopay, Navatkuli and Pallai. The ground sump at Kaddudai will pump water, via transmission mains, to Karaitivu and Velanaitivu. The ground sump at Araliturai on Velanaitivu will then pump water, via transmission mains, onto Pungudutivu, Mandativu, Nainativu, Analativu and Eluvaitivu.</p><br>
<p>The whole project, including sewerage and sanitation improvement in Jaffna, is expected to cost $164.04 million (Rs 17,880 million) of which $90 million will come from an Asian Development Bank loan, $40 million from a French Development Agency loan and the remaining $34.04 million from the Sri Lankan government. The project is expected to be completed in February 2017 and result in 60,000 new water connections benefiting 300,000 people and 20,000 mains sewer connections benefiting 80,000 people.</p><br>
<h2>North Central Province Canal Project</h2><br>
<p>In 1950s and 1960s the Ceylonese government, with the assistance of the United Nations Development Programme and Food and Agriculture Organization, developed the Mahaweli Master Plan to use the waters of the Mahaweli River basin to irrigate Dry Zone land in northern and eastern Ceylon, and generate electricity. The 30-year plan was to cost Rs. 6,700 million and was divided into three phases. Phase 2 (Victoria-Minipe Diversion) was completed in the 1980s but phase 3 (Moragahakanda Project) was abandoned due to water scarcity and the outbreak of the Sri Lankan Civil War. The Moragahakanda Project had originally intended to connect the Mahaweli basin to the Kanakarayan Aru via a new canal - the North Central Province Canal.</p><br>
<p>A modified Moragahakanda Project commenced in January 2007 with the construction of Moragahakanda Reservoir and Kalu Ganga Reservoir. The Moragahakanda Reservoir was financed by a $558 million loan from the China Development Bank and the Kalu Ganga Reservoir was finance by loans from Japan International Cooperation Agency ($109 million) Saudi Fund for Development ($46 million) Kuwait Fund for Arab Economic Development ($37 million) and OPEC Fund for International Development ($16 million).</p><br>
<p>The North Central Province Canal Project (NCPCP) was launched in 2015. Phase 1 of the NCPCP includes the construction of the Kalu Ganga–Moragahakanda Transfer Canal between Kalu Ganga Reservoir and Moragahakanda Reservoir and construction of the Upper Elahera Canal connecting Moragahakanda Reservoir to existing reservoirs (Eruwewa, Huruluwewa, Mahakanadarawa and Manankattiya). Phase 1 is expected to cost $675 million of which $453 million will come from an Asian Development Bank loan, $108 million from the Sri Lankan government and the remaining $114 million from other financiers. Phase 2 of the NCPCP includes the construction of the North Central Province Canal between Manankattiya to Chemamadu Kulam on the Kanakarayan Aru near Omanthai. Phase 2 is expected to cost Rs. 130 billion and be completed by 2029.</p><br>
<p>Coldwater Creek is a tributary of the Missouri River in St. Louis County in the U.S. state of Missouri. It is known for having been contaminated with radioactive wastes.</p><br>
<h2>Location</h2><br>
<p>The creek runs through the towns of Florissant, Hazelwood, Black Jack, Spanish Lake, St. Ann, Berkeley and Ferguson, Missouri. According to St. Louis Magazine, "It runs past schools, golf courses, and soccer fields."</p><br>
<h2>History</h2><br>
<p>The name "Coldwater Creek" is a translation of the original French name Riviere de L&#39;eau Froide.</p><br>
<p>During World War II, Mallinckrodt, Inc., was under contract with the United States Department of Defense to process uranium for the Manhattan Project. Mallinckrodt stored uranium, which may have contaminated the creek.</p><br>
<p>In August 2015, the United States Army Corps of Engineers admitted they had found thorium-230 in the creek. In January 2016, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention investigated the high rate of cancers in the area.</p><br>
<p>Habana Tramline Causeway and Wharf Site is a heritage-listed causeway between Habana Wharf Road and Constant Creek, Habana, Mackay Region, Queensland, Australia. It is also known as Habana Wharf Road. It was added to the Queensland Heritage Register on 14 May 2010.</p><br>
<h2>History</h2><br>
<p>The stone and gravel causeway near the end of Habana Wharf Road was built during 1882 with South Sea Islander (Melanesian) labour, to provide tramline access to a wharf on the bank of Constant Creek near to where it empties into the ocean about 14 kilometres north-west of Mackay. The wharf was built in late 1882 or early 1883, to service the Habana sugar plantation, owned by Edward Maitland Long and William Robertson.</p><br>
<p>The history of the Mackay district is closely linked to the sugar industry. The City of Mackay is named for John Mackay, who entered the valley of the Pioneer River in 1860 and established a pastoral run there the following year. In 1862 a settlement was begun on the south bank of the river and by 1863 Mackay had been surveyed and the first lots of land sold. It was gazetted as a port of entry and a customs house was opened. The first sugar plantation was established near Mackay in 1865 and the first small sugar mill was opened in 1868.</p><br>
<p>South Sea Islanders (referred to at the time as Kanakas) made a major contribution to Queensland&#39;s early sugar industry. Between 1863 and 1904, some fifty thousand Islanders were brought to Queensland as indentured labourers usually bound by a three year contract. The Islanders provided cheap manual labour, but were also believed to be essential in a climate that was considered too harsh for white manual labourers. Most came from eighty islands in Melanesia, mainly those included in present day Vanuatu and the Solomon Islands. The method of recruitment remains a matter of debate, but it seems that at least some of the recruiting during the initial phase was by kidnapping and deception.</p><br>
<p>Islanders made a vital contribution to the sugar industry, performing virtually all of the field work connected with the industry during its first phase of development. Only a minority stayed on; most returned to their islands at the conclusion of their contract period.</p><br>
<p>The Pioneer Valley, one of Australia&#39;s largest sugar producing areas has always had the largest South Sea Islander population in Queensland. They began arriving in the Mackay district from 1867, and by 1875 there were about 1700 in the area, comprising 45 percent of the total population. Over two thousand Islanders still reside in the Mackay region.</p><br>
<p>Although an 1875 outbreak of the crop disease, rust, caused some foreclosures and sales, by 1876 the Mackay district had 18 sugar mills and 5568 acres of land were under sugar cultivation. The sugar industry boomed in the early 1880s and Mackay prospered as a port and as a commercial and administrative centre, drawing business from nearby pastoral holdings and the sugar plantations being developed along the river.</p><br>
<p>The period 1881 to 1884 also marked the zenith of the plantation system of growing sugar cane. This system was characterised by large land holdings that were worked with indentured South Sea Islander labour. Each plantation built its own sugar mill to crush its cane. Twelve mills opened near Mackay during the early 1880s, including at Habana, on the plantation of Long and Robertson. The Colonial Sugar Refinery (CSR) opened a large mill at Homebush in 1883, and in the Mackay district 19,320 acres of cane were being cultivated under the plantation system by 1884. However, this system depended on the importation of South Sea Islander labour, and it soon suffered a number of blows.</p><br>
<p>A drop (of a third) in the price of sugar in 1884, and increasing numbers of small selectors and farmers in the area, began to challenge the plantation system. Small farmers did not like having to crush their sugar crops at plantation mills, where they were a secondary consideration. Sir Samuel Griffith, Queensland Premier between 1883-1888 and 1890-1893, sought to break the plantations into small farms. This accorded with the preferred model for the development of Queensland: small yeomen farmers working their own land with the help of their families.</p><br>
<p>Legislation aimed at applying this model, together with humanitarian and union concerns, as well as racism, ultimately formed the basis for opposition to and brought about the eventual cessation of the trade in South Sea Islander labour. Church and mission groups opposed it on ethical and humanitarian grounds. And labour unions, exclusively white, felt threatened by cheap non-European labour and were concerned that employers would use Islanders to undermine working conditions.</p><br>
<p>From 1884, Islander labour was progressively restricted. In 1884 an amendment to the Pacific Islanders Labourers Act 1880 banned South Sea Islanders from a range of work, and restricted them to menial jobs in agriculture. The Pacific Islanders Act of 1885 sought to end the recruitment of South Sea Island labour by 1890; this was repealed in 1892 on economic grounds. However the Pacific Island Labourers (Extension) Act 1892 further barred them from construction work on plantation roads and tramways. Finally after Federation in 1901, two pieces of Commonwealth legislation put an end to the trade: the Immigration Restriction Act (1901) and the Pacific Island Labourers Act (1901), the former being where the various policies that came to be termed the "White Australia Policy" began. It aimed to exclude all non-European immigrants; the latter legislation required an end to recruitment of South Sea Islanders from March 1904 and their deportation after December 1906. From 1904 to 1908, around 7000 people were deported. About 1200 were granted residency, and an estimated 1000 others stayed on illegally in Australia.</p><br>
<p>Large central mills operated by groups of small farmers eventually supplanted the plantation mills, offering them economy of scale in allowing them to crush their crops at a large and efficient mill. The first two central mills in Queensland were opened near Mackay in the late 1880s, with government financial assistance. The Sugar Works Guarantee Act of 1893 extended the scope of government support to farmers wishing to establish central mills, and thus by the 1890s the small plantation mills on large estates were giving way to small farms and large central mills. The last of the Mackay district&#39;s plantation mills, Palms, closed in 1924.</p><br>
<p>From 1870 to 1876 EM Long owned the Branscombe Estate south of the Pioneer River near Walkerston, in partnership with GN Marten. A mill operated here from 1871 to 1884. In addition, Long and Marten owned the River Estate from 1871, with its mill being active from 1873 to 1891. During the 1870s Long also selected multiple blocks of land in the Habana area, north of the Pioneer River, or took over the leases of other selectors. William Robertson did the same, and the two men usually applied to buy their various selections several years after gaining a lease, to obtain deeds of grant.</p><br>
<p>The causeway and wharf site is to the north-east of the current settlement of Habana, and although the causeway begins on the former land of Henry Braby, his selection was an exception in the area in the 1880s, which was by then dominated by the landholdings of Long and Robertson.</p><br>
<p>Braby obtained the lease of selection number 640 in February 1881, for 10 years dating from January 1880, and he was issued with a deed of grant in 1886. A sugar engineer, Braby grew fruit on his selection until about 1894. An August 1880 survey of Braby&#39;s selection does not show a causeway, although a road (later Habana Wharf Road) was surveyed in the middle of his selection, terminating near where the start of the causeway would later be located.</p><br>
<p>In January 1882 Long requested, in a letter to the Colonial Secretary, the lease or purchase of a wharf frontage on Salt Water (Constant) Creek, "Upon which I am ancsious (sic) to erect a wharf for shipping purposes". An August 1882 letter from the Lands Office in Mackay, to the Under Secretary of Lands, Brisbane, noted that it was a good wharfage site, and that Long "has already incurred great expense in forming by embankment and drainage a long causeway (to carry a tramway) to this spot". A Special Lease, number 169, was granted in September 1882, for 14 years from 1 October 1882, and consisted of a 5-acre wedge of land, rental of £1 per acre per annum. However, the wharf site was not surveyed until February 1884, and a formal Lease for Special Purposes, under the Crown Lands Alienation Act of 1876, was issued in July 1884, for a period of 14 years from 1 September 1882.</p><br>
<p>The official 1884 survey shows the causeway route, identical to its route in 2010. The causeway began on Brady&#39;s selection 640, and then crossed an area of salt marsh, before entering the wharf site. The documentary evidence suggests that the causeway was built between January and August 1882, and that the wharf was built after September 1882. By 1884, a wharf and store were extant at the site. It appears that Long initially used the causeway for horse drawn transport before installing a tramway.</p><br>
<p>South Sea Islander oral histories state that the Habana wharf and the built-up road (causeway) were constructed using South Sea Islander labour. Edward Long relied heavily on South Sea Islander labour to develop his plantations. In a Sydney Morning Herald article dated 27 August 1884 he was quoted as stating: The work of a sugar plantation could not be carried on without kanakas. We have them for three years and during that time they are a constant and reliable labour. If you have whites and there should happen to be any disagreement, say at crushing time, they may leave you and your produce will be left on the field.</p><br>
<p>Oral tradition also asserts that many South Sea Islanders were hurt or killed working with horses at this time, as they were unfamiliar with the animals. The graves of those killed on the project are reportedly on a hill about 1 km from the wharf site.</p><br>
<p>During early 1883 all the machinery for the Habana mill was transported through the Habana wharf, then across rough terrain some 4.5 miles (7.2 km) to the mill site. The mouth of Constant Creek was navigable for steamers up to 80 tons. Apparently both the Habana and Plane Creek (1896) mills used tramways, leading to their own wharves on convenient creeks, to avoid the cost of carting sugar to Mackay. Rails purchased from Long by the Racecourse Mill, for a rail extension at Cattle Creek, were also shipped out through the Habana wharf in 1904.</p><br>
<p>On Saturday 21 July 1883 the Mackay Mercury reported that there had been a ceremonial first cane crush "last Thursday" for the opening of Long and Robertson&#39;s mill at Habana, which afterwards was celebrated with a ball held at the School of Arts in Mackay.</p><br>
<p>The Habana mill operated from 1883 to 1901. Long applied for a local school and a provisional school was opened c.1883. Long appears to have accepted the end of the plantation system, and from 1884 he pioneered the concept of leasing land to small farmers in order to supply his mill. By 1891 one quarter of Habana&#39;s crush came from farmers renting land from the company. Long also encouraged British migration, especially after 1889, and he was an early advocate of Japanese labourers, the first of whom arrived at Habana.</p><br>
<p>By 1893 there were 85 whites working at Habana mill, with 315 Islanders employed. The farming population consisted of 100 white men and women, and 82 Islanders. By 1896 Long and Robertson had 1300 plantation acres under cane, with 17 miles of tramway, and 26 farmers were supplying Habana Mill. That same year Long applied to renew the lease on the wharf site, and this was granted for ten years, at £2 per acre per annum.</p><br>
<p>In 1896 Long was also the managing director of the Pleystowe Central Mill Company, which illustrates his attempt to straddle the two main systems of sugar production. However, controversy surrounded the dealings between Long and the Government over the establishment of the Pleystowe mill; specifically, over the timing of his land purchases and the granting of government financial assistance for the mill.</p><br>
<p>By 1900 Long had a high, if controversial, public profile. He was the first chairman of the Mackay Harbour Board, (1897-1903), and was a Pioneer Shire councillor between 1880-1881 and 1897-1900. In 1901, the year of the last crush at Habana mill, he was the acting chairman of the Central Sugar Millers&#39; Association of Queensland.</p><br>
<p>A government inquiry into the Pleystowe mills affairs was announced in February 1902, due to growers complaints. Long, in hospital in Brisbane at the time, was exonerated of any major misdemeanour. However, the government foreclosed on Pleystowe Central Mill in 1903. It continued to operate, but Long was replaced as manager. Early in 1905 Long fell ill again, and he returned to England for a year&#39;s holiday. He died on board ship in the Thames Estuary, 4 August 1905, aged 63.</p><br>
<p>The Habana Provisional School closed in 1906, and in 1907 Robertson decided not to renew the lease on the wharf site. The Land Commissioner, in a letter to the Under Secretary for Public Lands, noted that it was not likely the wharf would be required by anyone for some time to come.</p><br>
<p>In 1908 a tramline reached Habana from Pleystowe Central Mill. The Habana area increased its population in the 1910s and 1920s, through small scale cane farming and dairying. A state school was opened in 1917; immigrants arrived from Malta, Italy, Russia, Greece and India to provide farm labour. By the mid-1920s, there were seven central mills operating around the Mackay area, in contrast to the 30 plantation mills that had been operating in the mid-1880s.</p><br>
<p>The Habana wharf remained as a popular fishing spot for some time, and still existed in the 1930s; however, nothing remains visible of the wharf structure today. To the south of the tramway route across the sand to the wharf site there is a large raised area of stones, about one foot above the surrounding terrain, which may have served as a turn-around point for the trams, and as a work area. Some large decaying posts near and within the mangroves along Constant Creek may be from boat launching activities post-dating the wharf&#39;s commercial use. Vehicle access along the causeway has been blocked.</p><br>
<h2>Description</h2><br>
<p>The start of the 1 km causeway route is in a field at the north end of the metalled Habana Wharf Road. The causeway, marked by an avenue of paperbark (Melaleuca) trees, is visible to the left as Habana Wharf Road bends to the right towards a private residence.</p><br>
<p>For its initial section the causeway is stone pitched, low-lying, and prone to flooding. It heads west north west and the avenue of trees ends at rising, cleared ground. The route crosses this higher ground before changing direction several degrees to the north. The route then continues as a stone and gravel causeway, standing more than 30 cm above the surrounding salt marsh. During its course it makes two slight turns to the west, until it is heading almost due west through bush. There are no visible relics of the tramway on the causeway. At one point the causeway intersects a track heading north to a clearing that was the site of a residence. Soon after this point the causeway ends at a sandy beach.</p><br>
<p>A tramway alignment, marked by loose stones and multiple fragments of corroded tramway line of various lengths, continues across the sand towards a line of mangroves. There are several large posts near or within the mangroves, both standing and laid flat. Various other corroded metal artefacts are scattered about. There are two narrow gaps in the line of mangroves by which the creek bank can be accessed.</p><br>
<p>To the south of the rail-alignment is a raised platform of stones, with more fragments of corroded railway line and other metal artefacts. On the other side of the mangroves is the steep muddy bank of a tributary of Constant Creek. No wharf remnants are visible on the creek bank.</p><br>
<h2>Heritage listing</h2><br>
<p>Habana Tramline Causeway and Wharf Site was listed on the Queensland Heritage Register on 14 May 2010 having satisfied the following criteria.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the evolution or pattern of Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>The Habana Tramline Causeway and Wharf Site, developed ca1882, is a product of the 1880-1884 sugar boom in the Mackay district, and is important in demonstrating an early phase in the evolution of Queensland&#39;s sugar industry when the plantation system dominated. The causeway and wharf were built by South Sea Islander labour to serve the Habana Sugar Mill (1883-1901), a plantation mill owned by well-known public and sugar industry figure Edward Maitland Long. The plantation system, dependent on South Sea Islander indentured labour, peaked in the early 1880s, after which it was gradually supplanted by the central mill system serving small cane farms worked by white labour.</p><br>
<p>The place demonstrates rare, uncommon or endangered aspects of Queensland&#39;s cultural heritage.</p><br>
<p>The substantially intact Habana Tramline Causeway provides rare surviving evidence of a large construction project undertaken with South Sea Islander labour before the Pacific Island Labourers (Extension) Act 1892 barred them from construction work on plantation roads and tramways.</p><br>
<p>The route of the causeway across salt marsh to a wharf site on a navigable creek, the raised profile of the causeway, and the remnants of the tramline, provide uncommon evidence of key transport infrastructure associated with a nineteenth century coastal Queensland sugar plantation.</p><br>
<p>The place has potential to yield information that will contribute to an understanding of Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>The Habana wharf site, with its numerous metal tramway artefacts and raised stone work platform, has the archaeological potential to contribute to a greater understanding of the operation of a nineteenth century sugar plantation wharf.</p><br>
<p>The place has a special association with the life or work of a particular person, group or organisation of importance in Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>The Habana Tramline Causeway and Wharf Site are important and now rare evidence of the significant contribution made by South Sea Islanders to the establishment of a viable sugar industry in colonial Queensland, including the establishment of its transport infrastructure. With a number of deaths of Islander labourers said to have occurred there during its construction, the place has a symbolic association with these people and the difficult lives they led while indentured to work in Australia.</p><br>
<p>Holy Trinity Church is a heritage-listed Anglican church at 39 Gordon Street, Mackay, Mackay Region, Queensland, Australia. It was designed in 1923 by Lange Leopold Powell and built by A Stonage and Sons, completing in 1926. It is also known as Holy Trinity Church Complex. It was added to the Queensland Heritage Register on 29 April 2003.</p><br>
<h2>History</h2><br>
<p>The Holy Trinity Church, Mackay was constructed as the third church on the site and the first masonry church. The building was completed in 1926, although the design is thought to have been completed by 1923 by Brisbane architect Lange Powell. The church precinct was supplemented by a parish hall and rectory in the late 1930s.</p><br>
<p>The Church of England Diocese of Brisbane was formed at the time of Queensland&#39;s establishment as a separate colony in 1859 and took over what had been the Newcastle Diocese which had extended ten miles north of present-day Mackay. North of this area remained within the Diocese of Sydney. The district discovered by John Mackay in 1860 was thus already within a defined ecclesiastical district and Mackay alone, of the parishes of Northern Queensland, had been under the auspices of the Brisbane Diocese since the separation of Queensland. Mackay was later incorporated into the Diocese of North Queensland which was formed in 1878.</p><br>
<p>John Mackay and his party had discovered what was to become the Pioneer Valley in 1860. The present city blocks were surveyed in June 1863 when the settlement consisted of several dozen huts and tents in a line along a track parallel to the southern bank of the river, and the first land sale was held at the police office, Bowen, on 13 October 1863. Among the speculators was Edward Wyndham Tufnell, Bishop of the Church of England, Brisbane, who purchased six lots in the heart of town for £396. A further twenty acres of land on what is now Nebo Road was purchased by Bishop Tufnell at a later date.</p><br>
<p>While early settlers in Mackay were cattlemen, it was soon realised that the soil, climate and rainfall were suitable for the growing of sugar-cane. The growth of the sugar industry was accelerated by the Sugar and Coffee Regulations of 1864 and by the 1880s a system of plantation agriculture had developed.</p><br>
<p>The first Church of England service in Mackay was conducted by Bishop Tufnell at the Mackay Court House in 1863. By 1867 the Parish of Mackay was established and land for the construction of a church was purchased on 11 August 1869. The building of the church at a time of depressed economic circumstances reflects a strong commitment by the congregation to their religious beliefs. None of the six town lots purchased by Bishop Tufnell was used for the site of the first Holy Trinity Church.</p><br>
<p>The first Trinity church was completed in 1871 of an English design with a steeply pitched roof covered with wood shingles. It was built of stone but collapsed in 1878 possibly because of a defect in the foundations. The Mackay Mercury reported on 10 March 1878:"Last Sunday morning, during the heavy rainfall, we regret to state that the gable end of Trinity Church fell with a great crash and destroyed a considerable portion of the altar and Church furniture. The building had been in a dangerous state for some time past and, judging from the numerous cracks in the walls, and imperfect foundations, it is a wonder it has stood for so long."</p><br>
<p>Services were held in the Oddfellows Hall, Sydney Street, until 1879 when a second church was consecrated. By 1884 the Mackay Parish complex consisted of a "large, beautifully appointed Church, a large Sunday School building and a neat cottage for a parsonage". During the late 1880s a ladies committee was formed to raise funds and this committee contributed £347 towards the cost of a new parsonage. The term "parsonage" became obsolete after 24 years and "rectory" was substituted.</p><br>
<p>The second Holy Trinity Church was designed by the Queensland Colonial Architect, F D G Stanley, who supplied the plans free of charge. The building was constructed of wood, and was of a Gothic design with a steeply pitched roof covered with shingles, sited on the southern side of the grounds and capable of holding a congregation of 500. This Church was fitted with a pipe organ, an altar of carved English oak, and carved oak rails in memory of prominent people with strong associations with Holy Trinity Parish. Lighting was by gas, with ornate brass standards, about seven feet tall, each surmounted by a cluster of three lamps representing the Trinity.</p><br>
<p>The second church was destroyed in the 1918 Mackay cyclone. A temporary church was constructed from salvaged timber and a fundraising drive was conducted throughout Australia. In 1923 the estimate for the new building was £10,800 but by time of construction in 1926 the cost had risen to £14,315. This resulted in modifications to the original plan which had included an imposing bell tower, 82 feet high and 17 feet square at the base. The plan also incorporated an arcade which would have been on the east side of the land.</p><br>
<p>The design of the third church is believed to be similar to that of the Mission Church of the Order of Saint John which was seen by Canon Reginald Halse in Bombay (now Mumbai), India. It suggests the style of a Spanish church with the addition of open verandahs to allow for the harsh northern climate. The incumbent Rector, Canon Fortesque Leo Ash, arranged for a Warriors&#39; Chapel as an integral part of the building in memory of those who had died in World War I. The architect was Lange Leopold Powell and the builders were A Stonage and Sons. The church, together with a rectory and a parish hall occupies a city block. The church was designed in 1923 and completed in 1926.</p><br>
<p>Lange L Powell was an early twentieth century architect who practised in partnership with Claude Chambers as Chambers and Powell from 1911 until 1920; and then with Beatrice Hutton as Powell and Hutton from 1922 until 1924. When Powell designed the Holy Trinity Church, Mackay he was in private practice. During his long career as an architect Powell designed many prominent buildings, including St Martins Hospital and the Masonic Temple in Ann Street, Brisbane.</p><br>
<p>In his design of the Holy Trinity Church, Powell used a blend of Romanesque, Spanish Mission and Mediterranean architectural styles, all popular during the inter-war period. A similar eclecticism was used by architect Eric Ford of Brisbane&#39;s Chambers and Ford on the design of the Holy Trinity Church at Woolloongabba in Brisbane. The massing and detailing of these two churches illustrates the use of Romanesque architecture which was popularised in America from the late nineteenth century by architect, Henry Hobson Richardson. That the churches are rendered with smooth cast stucco suggests strongly an overriding Spanish Mission influence.</p><br>
<p>Many of the memorials within the Holy Trinity Church are relics of the first and second churches which were salvaged and incorporated in the present building.</p><br>
<p>In the mid 1930s the early Rectory was condemned and the hall, built in 1918, required repairs. A new hall was constructed in a style to complement the church and it was proposed that the hall be built large enough for dances, meetings or general entertainment so that rental would pay off the building. The hall had 4000 square feet of floor space, a small hall for kindergarten, Sunday School and rooms for guilds and meetings. The hall was built during 1937-38 and the Rectory, constructed between the church and the hall, was built in 1939. The Queensland Premier William Forgan Smith specifically travelled to Mackay for the opening of the parish hall on 4 September 1937.</p><br>
<p>The foundation stone for the hall was laid by Premier W Forgan Smith in 1937. The architect was Harold Brown and the contractor was Queensland Engineering. The building was constructed at a cost of £15,000. The Mackay Daily Mercury reported on the 6 September 1937 at the laying of the foundation stone:"the hope was that the hall would be the centre of culture for the city - physical culture, arts, drama and music - as well as providing rooms for smaller meetings for social, religious, and industrial purposes. The hall would be used a great deal for Church purposes and also for other social occasions that were well run and for the benefit of the people."The church hall was officially opened by the Bishop of North Queensland, Dr John Feetham, 19 April 1938, at a mask and domino ball reported by the Mackay Daily Mercury as needing little extra in the way of decoration owing to the aesthetic surroundings, but the lighting effects and the outstanding artistry of the interior required nothing in the way of additional support to add to the pleasure of patrons.</p><br>
<p>The rectory constructed in 1939 between the church and the hall was designed in a style to complement the other buildings. It became a Parish Centre when a new rectory was built in 1974.</p><br>
<p>The existing church and hall, although not original, remains one of the few building complexes occupying an original site in the district.</p><br>
<h2>Description</h2><br>
<p>The Holy Trinity Church Complex is located one block south of Victoria Street, the main commercial street of Mackay, on the corner of Gordon and Sydney Streets which is a major thoroughfare through the city.</p><br>
<h3>The Church</h3><br>
<p>The Holy Trinity Church is a substantial rendered masonry building sited on a north-south axis. The principal facade of the building faces north to Gordon Street. Front elevation has decorative parapet including dentil course and raked arch motif below the eaves line and crucifix finial. A central rose window is filled with coloured and leaded glass panel. The entry is defined by an arched gabled entry portico with twisted "barley sugar" columns. The exterior is rendered with smooth white stucco. The gabled roof of the building is clad with red painted wide gauge corrugated iron roof which simulates terra cotta tiles. Along the outside of the nave is an arcaded arched colonnade loggia.</p><br>
<p>The interior of the building comprises a nave with the aisles surmounted by clerestory lighting. Lining the side elevations of the church are round-arched window openings. The clerestory windows are in pairs and filled with coloured glass. Below are glazed doors in geometrical patterned coloured glass.</p><br>
<p>The interior is also rendered with white stucco and has a cruciform plan. In one transept is the Warriors&#39; chapel with three stained glass windows of St George, St Michael and St Alban. This chapel is divided form the body of the church through three round arched openings. At the rear is an organ loft on four columns. The ceiling is vaulted, with cross vaults at the bays of the engaged piers.</p><br>
<p>There are many memorials within the church, including several retrieved from earlier churches on the site. There is also a cedar Bishop&#39;s throne which could also be from an earlier church. The sanctuary arch is flanked by marble Corinthian columns. A simple marble altar sits within the half domes space of the sanctuary.</p><br>
<h3>The Residence</h3><br>
<p>The residence is between the other buildings, set back from the street screened by a tropical garden. The residence is also rendered with white stucco and has a decorative front parapet, and a group of three round arch windows on the principal elevation. The roof is clad with red corrugated iron. Stepped fronted residence, gabled roof apart from the front parapet. The interior includes chevron decorative ceilings.</p><br>
<h3>Parish Hall</h3><br>
<p>The front of the Hall faces north to Gordon Street. A foundation stone is at front of the building. The hall is a rectangular building on the same orientation as the church, north-south axis, but slightly larger. It too is rendered with white stucco and has decorative parapets repeating the raked arched motif of the church. The parapets are capped with terra-cotta tiles.</p><br>
<p>The front facade has a central projecting bay, with a group of three archways at the entrance. Above is a group of three arched windows housed within a large round arched recess.</p><br>
<p>Up several steps is a reception lobby with terrazzo floor, with small meeting rooms either side. Stairs to either side lead to further rooms upstairs. Through the three entrance doors with brass handles, is a large hall, of two-storey height. Centred is a dance floor. The hall area presently has a suspended ceiling and a mezzanine over its rear section. Along each side of the hall is an arched colonnaded aisle, with a mezzanine walkway to the perimeter. In some parts, there are large round-arched windows rising the two-storeys of the height. Below the stage is a basement with framed change cubicles.</p><br>
<h2>Heritage listing</h2><br>
<p>Holy Trinity Church Complex was listed on the Queensland Heritage Register on 29 April 2003 having satisfied the following criteria.</p><br>
<p>The place is important in demonstrating the evolution or pattern of Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>The Holy Trinity Church complex is a substantial brick complex which is important in demonstrating the growth and importance of Mackay associated with the sugar cane industry from 1864 to the present time.</p><br>
<p>The place is important because of its aesthetic significance.</p><br>
<p>The Holy Trinity Church Complex comprises three buildings constructed at different times all with reference to and in sympathy with the distinctive Romanesque inspired design of the 1923 Church. The Complex is a landmark in Mackay and has aesthetic and architectural significance for its siting, planning, quality of detailing and other design qualities. The Church is of particular architectural quality, with well composed interiors and detailing, and has special associations with the architect Lange Powell, in illustrating the breadth of this work.</p><br>
<p>The place has a strong or special association with a particular community or cultural group for social, cultural or spiritual reasons.</p><br>
<p>It has a long association with the Anglican community in Mackay.</p><br>
<p>The place has a special association with the life or work of a particular person, group or organisation of importance in Queensland&#39;s history.</p><br>
<p>The church demonstrates the spread of the Anglican Church in regional Queensland.</p><br>
